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| Meta Title | Just Locker Room Talk? Explicit Sexism and the Impact of the Access Hollywood Tape on Electoral Support for Donald Trump in 2016: Political Communication: Vol 37 , No 6 - Get Access | ||||||||||||||||||
| Meta Description | On October 7, 2016 – just 1 month before the U.S. presidential election – The Washington Post published an audio tape recorded in 2005 of then reality TV star, Donald J. Trump, and Access Hollywood... | ||||||||||||||||||
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| Boilerpipe Text | 1. Throughout, we follow recent scholarship by Bittner and Goodyear-Grant (
Citation
2017
) and carefully use the term “sex” to refer to our binary, gendered measure of male/female voters.
2. By naming this “implicitly sexist,” we mean to argue that Trump’s myriad statements about particular women (including Rosie O’Donnell, Megyn Kelly, Carly Fiorina, Elizabeth Warren, and Hillary Clinton) were specifically pointed at individuals, rather than assessing or maligning all women
as a group
. For much of the primary election campaign, Trump directed his ire at specific women who challenged his authority and refused to flatter him (Manne,
Citation
2016
), thus enabling him to distance himself from claims that such statements revealed his general sexist bias. While such statements surely impacted many women in the general electorate, the nature of his pre-AHT sexist appeals did not overtly articulate his orientation toward
all
women. Similarly, by naming this an “appeal,” we mean to argue that the AHT is a message that communicates a set of beliefs held by Trump (which may be embraced by some members of the electorate, see also Cassese & Holman,
Citation
2019
). However, we are not asserting that this was a calculated or strategic appeal on the part of the Trump campaign.
3. In recent years, however, this framework has been challenged (Huber & Lapinski,
Citation
2006
,
Citation
2008
; but see Mendelberg,
Citation
2008
for a rejoinder). Additionally, recent studies indicate that, at least in some contexts and with some groups, explicit appeals can be effective (Huber & Lapinski,
Citation
2008
; Hutchings & Jardina,
Citation
2009
; Schaffner, 2018). In the most sweeping study of this type, Valentino et al. (
Citation
2017
) offer evidence that white audiences are equally receptive to explicit racial appeals as they are to implicit racial appeals, at least in some policy areas.
4. Our approach differs from that of Cassese and Holman (
Citation
2019
), who note that the 2016 campaign contained “overt sexist appeals” (p. 55), but focus on the impact of “attacks” to a candidate’s gender on vote choice, mediated by sexist attitudes (e.g., Trump’s claims that Clinton played the “woman card”) in their analyses.
5. See also the extensive scholarship on how sexism and racism are co-constituted political phenomena (e.g., Collins,
Citation
2000
; Strolovitch,
Citation
2007
).
6. As scholars in the tradition of Glick and Fiske (
Citation
1996
,
Citation
2001
) have fully elaborated, sexist attitudes are comprised of multiple, coexisting dimensions which may be either (or simultaneously) “hostile” or “benevolent.” They note that sexism can express either antipathy toward women (i.e., hostile sexism) or patriarchal assumptions about the need for women’s protection and adherence to traditional roles (i.e., benevolent sexism). This scholarship usefully illustrates the nuance in how sexism functions in society, and therefore in the form that sexist campaign messages may take.
7. This understanding of sexism engages the long history of feminist theory and activism around the goal of ending the oppression of women (Echols,
Citation
1989
; Evans,
Citation
1979
; Hawkesworth,
Citation
2006
).
8. Mendelberg (
Citation
2001
) argues that political actors have limited incentive to appeal to voters’ sexist predispositions because both parties seek support from women and that neither party aims to target women with “implicit campaign messages that portray them as less able or deserving” (p. 244).
9. See also social psychology literature on “overt,” “covert,” and “subtle” sexism (e.g., Swim & Cohen,
Citation
1997
; Swim et al.,
Citation
2004
).
10. Importantly, we do
not
argue that sexist attitudes have been eradicated from the electorate, nor that gender egalitarian transformations are yet complete in American society (see England,
Citation
2010
). Indeed, much scholarship on the 2016 electoral environment suggests that voters remain dispersed along the spectrum of both hostile and benevolent sexist attitudinal measures (Bracic et al.,
Citation
2019
; Cassese & Holman,
Citation
2019
; Glick,
Citation
2019
; Schaffner et al.,
Citation
2018
). However, scholars note that multidimensional gender egalitarian attitudes have, on balance, been on the rise in the U.S. (Scarborough et al.,
Citation
2019
), particularly with regard to gendered roles in the public sphere. These shifts illustrate that gender equality norms are ascendant even at the same time as sexist attitudes both endure and partially function to legitimize the persistence of elements of gender inequality (Glick & Raberg,
Citation
2017
).
11. In 2016, implicitly sexist appeals were common in the campaign environment in which gender was fully salient, given Clinton’s nomination as the first major party female candidate for president. For example, Trump denigrated Clinton’s focus on gendered issues in campaign messaging, stating “the only card she has is the women’s card” (Rappeport,
Citation
2016
) – a statement which Cassese and Holman (
Citation
2019
) classify as a “gender-based campaign attack” (56). During his speeches on the campaign trail, Trump frequently referred to Clinton a “liar” who, Trump asserted, should be “jailed” for her activities while serving as Secretary of State (Roberts et al.,
Citation
2016
). Such statements are akin to what Swim and Cohen (
Citation
1997
) refer to as “subtle sexism” which “is characterized by openly unequal and harmful treatment of women that goes unnoticed because it is perceived to be customary or normal behavior” (p. 104) in campaigns defined by political attacks (Lau & Rovner,
Citation
2009
).
13. See
Appendix B
for full question wordings.
14. We define “definite voters” as all individuals who indicate that they “definitely” planned to vote in the 2016 elections (or indicated they had already done so).
15. We used all exact matches, rather than one-to-one exact matching, because this more lenient procedure further reduces variance without any increase in bias (Ho et al.,
Citation
2007
, p. 217). | ||||||||||||||||||
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Research Article
# Just Locker Room Talk? Explicit Sexism and the Impact of the Access Hollywood Tape on Electoral Support for Donald Trump in 2016
[Jesse H. Rhodes](https://www.tandfonline.com/author/Rhodes%2C+Jesse+H)a Department of Political Science & Department of History, University of Massachusetts Amherst, Amherst, Massachusetts, USACorrespondence[jrhodes@polsci.umass.edu](mailto:jrhodes@polsci.umass.edu)
,
[Elizabeth A. Sharrow](https://www.tandfonline.com/author/Sharrow%2C+Elizabeth+A)a Department of Political Science & Department of History, University of Massachusetts Amherst, Amherst, Massachusetts, USA[https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5880-7905](https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5880-7905)
[](https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5880-7905),
[Jill S. Greenlee](https://www.tandfonline.com/author/Greenlee%2C+Jill+S)b Department of Political Science, Brandeis University, Waltham, Massachusetts, USA
&
[Tatishe M. Nteta](https://www.tandfonline.com/author/Nteta%2C+Tatishe+M)a Department of Political Science & Department of History, University of Massachusetts Amherst, Amherst, Massachusetts, USA
Pages 741-767 \| Published online: 23 May 2020
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## ABSTRACT
Scholars have long debated whether and to what extent citizens punish political candidates for explicitly racist rhetoric. However, few studies explore whether a similar dynamic occurs when explicitly sexist messages are conveyed on the campaign trail. Do citizens recoil when exposed to explicitly sexist messages? To investigate this question, we exploit the unique opportunity afforded by the release of the “Access Hollywood” tape during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign. Using data provided by the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and employing a variety of analytic approaches, we find consistent evidence that the release of the tape modestly, though significantly, reduced support for Donald Trump during the 2016 campaign. Surprisingly, these effects were similar among men and women, but they were noticeably larger among Republicans compared to Democrats.
KEYWORDS:
- [Donald Trump](https://www.tandfonline.com/keyword/Donald+Trump)
- [sexism](https://www.tandfonline.com/keyword/sexism)
- [voting](https://www.tandfonline.com/keyword/voting)
- [2016 election](https://www.tandfonline.com/keyword/2016+election)
- [Access Hollywood Tape](https://www.tandfonline.com/keyword/Access+Hollywood+Tape)
### Acknowledgments
The authors would like to thank Laura A. van Assendelft, Nichole Bauer, Jennifer Lucas, Brian Schaffner, and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions at various stages of this paper. This work was funded by the National Science Foundation under Grant \#1559125 \[to Stephen Ansolabehere\].
## Disclosure Statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
## Supplementary Material
Supplemental data for this article can be accessed at <https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867>.
## Notes
1\. Throughout, we follow recent scholarship by Bittner and Goodyear-Grant ([Citation2017](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)) and carefully use the term “sex” to refer to our binary, gendered measure of male/female voters.
2\. By naming this “implicitly sexist,” we mean to argue that Trump’s myriad statements about particular women (including Rosie O’Donnell, Megyn Kelly, Carly Fiorina, Elizabeth Warren, and Hillary Clinton) were specifically pointed at individuals, rather than assessing or maligning all women *as a group*. For much of the primary election campaign, Trump directed his ire at specific women who challenged his authority and refused to flatter him (Manne, [Citation2016](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)), thus enabling him to distance himself from claims that such statements revealed his general sexist bias. While such statements surely impacted many women in the general electorate, the nature of his pre-AHT sexist appeals did not overtly articulate his orientation toward *all* women. Similarly, by naming this an “appeal,” we mean to argue that the AHT is a message that communicates a set of beliefs held by Trump (which may be embraced by some members of the electorate, see also Cassese & Holman, [Citation2019](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)). However, we are not asserting that this was a calculated or strategic appeal on the part of the Trump campaign.
3\. In recent years, however, this framework has been challenged (Huber & Lapinski, [Citation2006](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867), [Citation2008](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867); but see Mendelberg, [Citation2008](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867) for a rejoinder). Additionally, recent studies indicate that, at least in some contexts and with some groups, explicit appeals can be effective (Huber & Lapinski, [Citation2008](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867); Hutchings & Jardina, [Citation2009](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867); Schaffner, 2018). In the most sweeping study of this type, Valentino et al. ([Citation2017](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)) offer evidence that white audiences are equally receptive to explicit racial appeals as they are to implicit racial appeals, at least in some policy areas.
4\. Our approach differs from that of Cassese and Holman ([Citation2019](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)), who note that the 2016 campaign contained “overt sexist appeals” (p. 55), but focus on the impact of “attacks” to a candidate’s gender on vote choice, mediated by sexist attitudes (e.g., Trump’s claims that Clinton played the “woman card”) in their analyses.
5\. See also the extensive scholarship on how sexism and racism are co-constituted political phenomena (e.g., Collins, [Citation2000](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867); Strolovitch, [Citation2007](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)).
6\. As scholars in the tradition of Glick and Fiske ([Citation1996](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867), [Citation2001](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)) have fully elaborated, sexist attitudes are comprised of multiple, coexisting dimensions which may be either (or simultaneously) “hostile” or “benevolent.” They note that sexism can express either antipathy toward women (i.e., hostile sexism) or patriarchal assumptions about the need for women’s protection and adherence to traditional roles (i.e., benevolent sexism). This scholarship usefully illustrates the nuance in how sexism functions in society, and therefore in the form that sexist campaign messages may take.
7\. This understanding of sexism engages the long history of feminist theory and activism around the goal of ending the oppression of women (Echols, [Citation1989](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867); Evans, [Citation1979](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867); Hawkesworth, [Citation2006](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)).
8\. Mendelberg ([Citation2001](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)) argues that political actors have limited incentive to appeal to voters’ sexist predispositions because both parties seek support from women and that neither party aims to target women with “implicit campaign messages that portray them as less able or deserving” (p. 244).
9\. See also social psychology literature on “overt,” “covert,” and “subtle” sexism (e.g., Swim & Cohen, [Citation1997](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867); Swim et al., [Citation2004](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)).
10\. Importantly, we do *not* argue that sexist attitudes have been eradicated from the electorate, nor that gender egalitarian transformations are yet complete in American society (see England, [Citation2010](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)). Indeed, much scholarship on the 2016 electoral environment suggests that voters remain dispersed along the spectrum of both hostile and benevolent sexist attitudinal measures (Bracic et al., [Citation2019](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867); Cassese & Holman, [Citation2019](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867); Glick, [Citation2019](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867); Schaffner et al., [Citation2018](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)). However, scholars note that multidimensional gender egalitarian attitudes have, on balance, been on the rise in the U.S. (Scarborough et al., [Citation2019](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)), particularly with regard to gendered roles in the public sphere. These shifts illustrate that gender equality norms are ascendant even at the same time as sexist attitudes both endure and partially function to legitimize the persistence of elements of gender inequality (Glick & Raberg, [Citation2017](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)).
11\. In 2016, implicitly sexist appeals were common in the campaign environment in which gender was fully salient, given Clinton’s nomination as the first major party female candidate for president. For example, Trump denigrated Clinton’s focus on gendered issues in campaign messaging, stating “the only card she has is the women’s card” (Rappeport, [Citation2016](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)) – a statement which Cassese and Holman ([Citation2019](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)) classify as a “gender-based campaign attack” (56). During his speeches on the campaign trail, Trump frequently referred to Clinton a “liar” who, Trump asserted, should be “jailed” for her activities while serving as Secretary of State (Roberts et al., [Citation2016](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)). Such statements are akin to what Swim and Cohen ([Citation1997](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)) refer to as “subtle sexism” which “is characterized by openly unequal and harmful treatment of women that goes unnoticed because it is perceived to be customary or normal behavior” (p. 104) in campaigns defined by political attacks (Lau & Rovner, [Citation2009](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867)).
12\. Videos for CBS Evening News and NBC Nightly News for October 8th and 9th were accessed via the online archives of CBS News (<https://archive.org/details/TVPROGRAM-CBS_Evening_News?&sort=-publicdate&page=2>) and NBC News (<https://www.nbcnews.com/nightly-news-netcast/video/nightly-news-full-broadcast-october-8th-782059075769?v=railb>). Information concerning the ABC World News Tonight was garnered from a search of the transcripts of the Vanderbilt Television News Archive (<https://tvnews.vanderbilt.edu/search>).
13\. See [Appendix B](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867#app0002) for full question wordings.
14\. We define “definite voters” as all individuals who indicate that they “definitely” planned to vote in the 2016 elections (or indicated they had already done so).
15\. We used all exact matches, rather than one-to-one exact matching, because this more lenient procedure further reduces variance without any increase in bias (Ho et al., [Citation2007](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867), p. 217).
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## Additional information
### Funding
The 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study was supported by the National Science Foundation \[grant \#1559125 to Stephen Ansolabehere\], and the authors thank the co-PIs, Stephen Ansolabehere, Brian Schaffner, and Samantha Luks, for their support of this research.
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[More…](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753867#addtoany "Show all") | ||||||||||||||||||
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