🕷️ Crawler Inspector

URL Lookup

Direct Parameter Lookup

Raw Queries and Responses

1. Shard Calculation

Query:

Response:

Calculated Shard: 102 (from laksa122)

2. Crawled Status Check

Query:

curl -X POST \
  'http://laksa102.int.ahrefs:8124/' \
  -H 'Content-Type: text/plain' \
  -H 'X-ClickHouse-Database: crawler3' \
  -H 'Authorization: Basic YXBpOg==' \
  -d 'SELECT getAhrefsURLFromUnparsed(src_unparsed) AS found_url, ifNull(toUnixTimestamp(download_stamp), 0) AS crawl_time, ifNull(toUnixTimestamp(props_url_first_seen), 0) AS first_indexed_time, download_http_code AS http_code, src_unparsed AS src_unparsed, src_root_hash AS src_root_hash, history_drop_reason AS history_drop_reason, meta_title AS meta_title, meta_descriptions AS meta_descriptions, attrs_boilerpipe_text AS attrs_boilerpipe_text, attrs_markdown AS attrs_markdown, attrs_readable_markdown AS attrs_readable_markdown, meta_canonical AS meta_canonical FROM crawler3.page_info_local FINAL PREWHERE (src_root_hash, src_unparsed) IN ((getAhrefsRootHashFromUnparsed(getAhrefsUnparsedNoserviceFromURL(\'https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556\')), getAhrefsUnparsedNoserviceFromURL(\'https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556\'))) FORMAT JSONEachRow'

Response:

{"found_url":"https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556","crawl_time":1768061548,"first_indexed_time":1648381861,"http_code":200,"src_unparsed":"com,tandfonline!www,\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556 s443","src_root_hash":"17870084574864829302","history_drop_reason":null,"meta_title":"Be Water, My Friend: Hong Kong’s 2019 Anti-Extradition Protests: International Journal of Sociology: Vol 50 , No 4 - Get Access","meta_descriptions":["Between June and December 2019, over more than half a year, a massive wave of protests in Hong Kong attracted international media attention. In order to contextualize and offer an interpretation of..."],"attrs_boilerpipe_text":"Abstract\nThe 2019 wave of protests in Hong Kong, while reproducing the patterns of earlier social movements against perceived political pressure from the Chinese mainland, spiraled into an unprecedented escalation. This paper investigates the political, socio-economic and cultural factors that triggered the anti-extradition protests in 2019 and generated an environment in which participants appeared to deliberately accept the risks of violent confrontation. In particular, it analyses the movement’s symbolic repertoires, organizational features and resistance techniques, which responded to increasingly sophisticated techniques of authoritarian surveillance. Based on readings of the wider social movement literature, the paper juxtaposes global and local perceptions of protest events on the ground.\n1 While the Legislative Council is often dubbed Hong Kong’s ‘parliament’, only half of its members are directly elected through geographical constituencies; the other half hold functional constituencies based on interest groups, most of them business-oriented and with a pro-Beijing background.\n2 In a nutshell, the wording of the 1984 Sino-British Declaration and 1990 Basic Law was left strategically ambiguous with regard to universal suffrage (Holbig and Liu\nCitation\n2000\n). Since 2017, the controversy has boiled down to whether Hong Kong voters would be allowed to freely elect the HKSAR’s chief executive from among a limited number of candidates preselected in a nomination process under the influence of Beijing.\n3 Article 23 of the Basic Law states: ‘The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall enact laws on its own to prohibit any act of treason, secession, sedition, subversion against the Central People's Government, or theft of state secrets, to prohibit foreign political organisations or bodies from conducting political activities in the Region, and to prohibit political organisations or bodies of the Region from establishing ties with foreign political organisations or bodies.’ Since Hong Kong’s handover to China, the Standing Committee of the PRC’s National People’s Congress (PRC NPCSC) has interpreted the Basic Law in five instances (1999, 2004, 2005, 2011 and 2016; see Huang and Huang\nCitation\n2016\n) in accordance with Article 158 which grants the PRC NPCSC the ultimate authority of interpretation of the Basic Law. The 2020 case is different, however, as the Chinese government has decided unilaterally to legislate a national security law without involving the LegCo, based on Article 18 of the Basic Law, which authorizes the Central People's Government to apply national laws in Hong Kong. According to this logic, the relevant law should be ‘confined to those relating to defense and foreign affairs as well as other matters outside the limits of the autonomy of the HKSAR’. The May 2020 decision thereby contravenes Article 23 which stipulates that the HKSAR ‘shall enact [relevant laws] on its own’ (see above). The legal complexities will have to be clarified in the future; at the time of writing, however, the Chinese government’s decision appears to signal that it might no longer abide by the political rules of the game that have granted and circumscribed Hong Kong’s autonomy so far.\n4 The number of tertiary graduates in the population aged 30–39 increased from 61,000 in 1981 to 297,000 in 2001 and 464,000 in 2011, and is projected to rise to 678,000 in 2021 (R. Wong,\nCitation\n2016\n).\n5 See, for example, the University of Hong Kong’s Public Opinion Programme (HKUPOP). On 28 June 2019, a HKUPOP press release reported that ‘53 per cent of the interviewees identified as Hongkongers, while 11 per cent identified as Chinese. 12 per cent identified as “Chinese in Hong Kong”, and 23 per cent identified themselves as “Hongkongers in China”. When asked if they were proud to be a national citizen of China, 71 per cent said “no” and 27 per cent said “yes.” 90 per cent in the age group 18–29 answered “no.”’; cf.\nhttps:\/\/hongkongfp.com\/2019\/06\/28\/hongkongers-identifying-chinese-record-low-10-youth-proud-citizens-poll\/\n.\n7 In November, a bystander believed to be a mainland citizen was set on fire by protesters. The video clip went viral among mainland netizens as proof of Hong Kong protesters’ ‘rioting’ behaviour.","attrs_markdown":"[Skip to Main Content](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556#top-content-scroll \"Skip to Main Content\")\n\n[![Taylor and Francis Online homepage](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/pb-assets\/Global\/TFO-logo-new-1716484961953.svg)](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/ \"Taylor and Francis Online homepage\")\n\n- Journals\n  Close Journals Menu\n  \n  Browse all journals\n  \n  - [Browse all journals A-Z](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/showPublications?pubType=journal&ejf=on)\n  - [Open access journals](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/openaccess\/openjournals)\n  - [Open Select (hybrid) journals](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/openaccess\/openselect)\n  \n  Browse all books\n  \n  - [Explore Taylor & Francis eBooks](https:\/\/www.taylorfrancis.com\/)\n  \n  Publish\n  \n  - [Find a journal](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/showPublications?pubType=journal&ejf=on)\n  - 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[Be Water, My Friend: Hong Kong’s 2019 An ....](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556)\n\n## Your download is now in progress and you may close this window\nDid you know that with a free Taylor & Francis Online account you can gain access to the following benefits?\n\n- Choose new content alerts to be informed about new research of interest to you\n- Easy remote access to your institution's subscriptions on any device, from any location\n- Save your searches and schedule alerts to send you new results\n- Export your search results into a .csv file to support your research\n\nHave an account?  \n [Login now](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/showLogin?uri=)  Don't have an account?  \n [Register for free](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/registration?redirectUri=)\n\n## Login or register to access this feature\nHave an account?  \n [Login now](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/showLogin?uri=)  Don't have an account?  \n [Register for free](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/registration?redirectUri=)\n\nRegister a free Taylor & Francis Online account today to boost your research and gain these benefits:\n\n- Choose new content alerts to be informed about new research of interest to you\n- Easy remote access to your institution's subscriptions on any device, from any location\n- Save your searches and schedule alerts to send you new results\n- Export your search results into a .csv file to support your research\n\n[Register](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/registration?redirectUri=) now or [learn more](https:\/\/help.tandfonline.com\/s\/article\/benefits-of-registering)\n\n[Advanced search](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/search\/advanced)\n\n![Publication Cover](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/showCoverImage?doi=10.1080\/mijs20.v050.i04)\n\n[International Journal of Sociology](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/journals\/mijs20)    Volume 50, 2020 -  [Issue 4](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/toc\/mijs20\/50\/4)\n\n[Submit an article](https:\/\/rp.tandfonline.com\/submission\/create?journalCode=MIJS) [Journal homepage](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/mijs20)\n\n6,909\n\nViews\n\n44\n\nCrossRef citations to date\n\n0\n\nAltmetric\n\nBrief Reports\n\n# Be Water, My Friend: Hong Kong’s 2019 Anti-Extradition Protests\n[Heike Holbig](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/author\/Holbig%2C+Heike)Faculty of Social Sciences, Goethe University Frankfurt\/Main, Germany; ;Institute of Asian Studies, German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg, GermanyCorrespondence[holbig@soz.uni-frankfurt.de](mailto:holbig@soz.uni-frankfurt.de)  \n[View further author information](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556#b0001)\n\nPages 325-337 \\| Published online: 04 Aug 2020\n\n- [Cite this article](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556 \"Cite this article\")\n- <https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556>\n- [![CrossMark Logo](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/templates\/jsp\/images\/CROSSMARK_Color_horizontal.svg) CrossMark](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556)\n\n[![Sample our Social Sciences journals, sign in here to start your FREE access for 14 days](\/\/:0)](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/clickThrough?id=110822&url=%2Fr%2Fsubjectsample-socialsciences&loc=%2Fdoi%2Ffull%2F10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556&pubId=53772345&placeholderId=1074&productId=1847)\n\n- [Full Article](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top&needAccess=true)\n- [Figures & data](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/figure\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top&needAccess=true)\n- [References](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/ref\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top)\n- [Citations](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/citedby\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top&needAccess=true)\n- [Metrics](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/metrics\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top)\n- [Reprints & Permissions](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/permissions\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top)\n- [Read this article \/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556?needAccess=true](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556)\n\n## Abstract\nThe 2019 wave of protests in Hong Kong, while reproducing the patterns of earlier social movements against perceived political pressure from the Chinese mainland, spiraled into an unprecedented escalation. This paper investigates the political, socio-economic and cultural factors that triggered the anti-extradition protests in 2019 and generated an environment in which participants appeared to deliberately accept the risks of violent confrontation. In particular, it analyses the movement’s symbolic repertoires, organizational features and resistance techniques, which responded to increasingly sophisticated techniques of authoritarian surveillance. Based on readings of the wider social movement literature, the paper juxtaposes global and local perceptions of protest events on the ground.\n\nKeywords:\n\n- [Hong Kong;](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/keyword\/Hong+Kong%3B+)\n- [People's Republic of China;](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/keyword\/People%27s+Republic+of+China%3B+)\n- [anti-extradition protests;](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/keyword\/anti-extradition+protests%3B+)\n- [social movements;](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/keyword\/social+movements%3B+)\n- [National security law](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/keyword\/National+security+law)\n## Notes\n1 While the Legislative Council is often dubbed Hong Kong’s ‘parliament’, only half of its members are directly elected through geographical constituencies; the other half hold functional constituencies based on interest groups, most of them business-oriented and with a pro-Beijing background.\n\n2 In a nutshell, the wording of the 1984 Sino-British Declaration and 1990 Basic Law was left strategically ambiguous with regard to universal suffrage (Holbig and Liu [Citation2000](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556)). Since 2017, the controversy has boiled down to whether Hong Kong voters would be allowed to freely elect the HKSAR’s chief executive from among a limited number of candidates preselected in a nomination process under the influence of Beijing.\n\n3 Article 23 of the Basic Law states: ‘The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall enact laws on its own to prohibit any act of treason, secession, sedition, subversion against the Central People's Government, or theft of state secrets, to prohibit foreign political organisations or bodies from conducting political activities in the Region, and to prohibit political organisations or bodies of the Region from establishing ties with foreign political organisations or bodies.’ Since Hong Kong’s handover to China, the Standing Committee of the PRC’s National People’s Congress (PRC NPCSC) has interpreted the Basic Law in five instances (1999, 2004, 2005, 2011 and 2016; see Huang and Huang [Citation2016](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556)) in accordance with Article 158 which grants the PRC NPCSC the ultimate authority of interpretation of the Basic Law. The 2020 case is different, however, as the Chinese government has decided unilaterally to legislate a national security law without involving the LegCo, based on Article 18 of the Basic Law, which authorizes the Central People's Government to apply national laws in Hong Kong. According to this logic, the relevant law should be ‘confined to those relating to defense and foreign affairs as well as other matters outside the limits of the autonomy of the HKSAR’. The May 2020 decision thereby contravenes Article 23 which stipulates that the HKSAR ‘shall enact \\[relevant laws\\] on its own’ (see above). The legal complexities will have to be clarified in the future; at the time of writing, however, the Chinese government’s decision appears to signal that it might no longer abide by the political rules of the game that have granted and circumscribed Hong Kong’s autonomy so far.\n\n4 The number of tertiary graduates in the population aged 30–39 increased from 61,000 in 1981 to 297,000 in 2001 and 464,000 in 2011, and is projected to rise to 678,000 in 2021 (R. Wong, [Citation2016](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556)).\n\n5 See, for example, the University of Hong Kong’s Public Opinion Programme (HKUPOP). On 28 June 2019, a HKUPOP press release reported that ‘53 per cent of the interviewees identified as Hongkongers, while 11 per cent identified as Chinese. 12 per cent identified as “Chinese in Hong Kong”, and 23 per cent identified themselves as “Hongkongers in China”. When asked if they were proud to be a national citizen of China, 71 per cent said “no” and 27 per cent said “yes.” 90 per cent in the age group 18–29 answered “no.”’; cf. <https:\/\/hongkongfp.com\/2019\/06\/28\/hongkongers-identifying-chinese-record-low-10-youth-proud-citizens-poll\/>.\n\n6 The 1971 video clip was shared, among others, via Twitter by Amnesty International: <https:\/\/twitter.com\/amnesty\/status\/1162730057942675456?lang=en>\n\n7 In November, a bystander believed to be a mainland citizen was set on fire by protesters. The video clip went viral among mainland netizens as proof of Hong Kong protesters’ ‘rioting’ behaviour.\n\nHolbig, H., and J.-K. Liu. 2000. “Drei Jahre Politisches System Der SVR Hongkong. “Business as Usual” Oder “Deformierte Demokratie”?” *China Aktuell* 29 (7):785–800.\n\n[(Open in a new window)Google Scholar](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/getFTRLinkout?url=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.com%2Fscholar_lookup%3Fhl%3Den%26publication_year%3D2000%26pages%3D785-800%26journal%3DChina%2BAktuell%26issue%3D7%26author%3DH.%2BHolbig%26author%3DJ.-K.%2BLiu%26title%3DDrei%2BJahre%2BPolitisches%2BSystem%2BDer%2BSVR%2BHongkong.%2B%25E2%2580%259CBusiness%2Bas%2BUsual%25E2%2580%259D%2BOder%2B%25E2%2580%259CDeformierte%2BDemokratie%25E2%2580%259D%253F&doi=10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556&doiOfLink=&linkType=gs&linkLocation=Reference&linkSource=FULL_TEXT)\n\nHuang, Z., and E. Huang. 2016. “A Brief History: Beijing’s Interpretations of Hong Kong’s Basic Law, from 1999 to the Present Day. QUARTZ, November 27. [https:\/\/qz.com\/828713\/a-brief-history-beijings-interpretations-of-hong-kongs-basic-law-from-1999-to-the-present-day(open in a new window)](https:\/\/qz.com\/828713\/a-brief-history-beijings-interpretations-of-hong-kongs-basic-law-from-1999-to-the-present-day)\n\n[(Open in a new window)Google Scholar](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/getFTRLinkout?url=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.com%2Fscholar%3Fhl%3Den%26q%3DHuang%252C%2BZ.%252C%2Band%2BE.%2BHuang.%2B2016.%2B%25E2%2580%259CA%2BBrief%2BHistory%253A%2BBeijing%25E2%2580%2599s%2BInterpretations%2Bof%2BHong%2BKong%25E2%2580%2599s%2BBasic%2BLaw%252C%2Bfrom%2B1999%2Bto%2Bthe%2BPresent%2BDay.%2BQUARTZ%252C%2BNovember%2B27.%2B&doi=10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556&doiOfLink=&linkType=gs&linkLocation=Reference&linkSource=FULL_TEXT)\n\nWong, R. 2016. “The Real Reason why Salaries are Depressed in Hong Kong.” South China Morning Post, May 10. [https:\/\/www.scmp.com\/business\/article\/1943379\/real-reason-why-salaries-are-depressed-hong-kong(open in a new window)](https:\/\/www.scmp.com\/business\/article\/1943379\/real-reason-why-salaries-are-depressed-hong-kong)\n\n[(Open in a new window)Google Scholar](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/getFTRLinkout?url=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.com%2Fscholar%3Fhl%3Den%26q%3DWong%252C%2BR.%2B2016.%2B%25E2%2580%259CThe%2BReal%2BReason%2Bwhy%2BSalaries%2Bare%2BDepressed%2Bin%2BHong%2BKong.%25E2%2580%259D%2BSouth%2BChina%2BMorning%2BPost%252C%2BMay%2B10.%2B&doi=10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556&doiOfLink=&linkType=gs&linkLocation=Reference&linkSource=FULL_TEXT)\n\n## Additional information\n### Notes on contributors\n#### Heike Holbig\n***Dr Heike Holbig*** is a professor of political science with a focus on Chinese and East Asian area studies at Goethe University, Frankfurt\/Main, and a senior research fellow at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg, Germany. Her research interests include Chinese politics, state-society relations, ideology and political legitimacy, as well as China’s changing role in the international order.\n\n## Log in via your institution\n[Access through your institution](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/ssostart?redirectUri=%2Fdoi%2Ffull%2F10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556)\n\n## Log in to Taylor & Francis Online\n[Log in](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556)\n\n[Shibboleth](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/ssostart?redirectUri=%2Fdoi%2Ffull%2F10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556)\n\n## Log in to Taylor & Francis Online\n####\n\n## Restore content access\n[Restore content access for purchases made as guest](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/showRestoreContentAccess)\n\n[Purchase options \\*](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556#purchasePanel)\n\n[Save for later](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/saveItem?doi=10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556)  [Item saved, go to cart](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/showCart)\n\nPDF download + Online access\n\n- 48 hours access to article PDF & online version\n- Article PDF can be downloaded\n- Article PDF can be printed\n\nUSD 56.00   [Add to cart](https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/action\/addToCart?id=SSHAP_N_2014-SSH%20ARTICLE%20PURCHASE%20ROW%20USD%202026%20$-ELECTRONIC-USD-10.1080\/00207659.2020.1802556-714578)\n\nPDF download + Online access - 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URL	https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556
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Meta Title	Be Water, My Friend: Hong Kong’s 2019 Anti-Extradition Protests: International Journal of Sociology: Vol 50 , No 4 - Get Access
Meta Description	Between June and December 2019, over more than half a year, a massive wave of protests in Hong Kong attracted international media attention. In order to contextualize and offer an interpretation of...
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Boilerpipe Text	Abstract The 2019 wave of protests in Hong Kong, while reproducing the patterns of earlier social movements against perceived political pressure from the Chinese mainland, spiraled into an unprecedented escalation. This paper investigates the political, socio-economic and cultural factors that triggered the anti-extradition protests in 2019 and generated an environment in which participants appeared to deliberately accept the risks of violent confrontation. In particular, it analyses the movement’s symbolic repertoires, organizational features and resistance techniques, which responded to increasingly sophisticated techniques of authoritarian surveillance. Based on readings of the wider social movement literature, the paper juxtaposes global and local perceptions of protest events on the ground. 1 While the Legislative Council is often dubbed Hong Kong’s ‘parliament’, only half of its members are directly elected through geographical constituencies; the other half hold functional constituencies based on interest groups, most of them business-oriented and with a pro-Beijing background. 2 In a nutshell, the wording of the 1984 Sino-British Declaration and 1990 Basic Law was left strategically ambiguous with regard to universal suffrage (Holbig and Liu Citation 2000 ). Since 2017, the controversy has boiled down to whether Hong Kong voters would be allowed to freely elect the HKSAR’s chief executive from among a limited number of candidates preselected in a nomination process under the influence of Beijing. 3 Article 23 of the Basic Law states: ‘The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall enact laws on its own to prohibit any act of treason, secession, sedition, subversion against the Central People's Government, or theft of state secrets, to prohibit foreign political organisations or bodies from conducting political activities in the Region, and to prohibit political organisations or bodies of the Region from establishing ties with foreign political organisations or bodies.’ Since Hong Kong’s handover to China, the Standing Committee of the PRC’s National People’s Congress (PRC NPCSC) has interpreted the Basic Law in five instances (1999, 2004, 2005, 2011 and 2016; see Huang and Huang Citation 2016 ) in accordance with Article 158 which grants the PRC NPCSC the ultimate authority of interpretation of the Basic Law. The 2020 case is different, however, as the Chinese government has decided unilaterally to legislate a national security law without involving the LegCo, based on Article 18 of the Basic Law, which authorizes the Central People's Government to apply national laws in Hong Kong. According to this logic, the relevant law should be ‘confined to those relating to defense and foreign affairs as well as other matters outside the limits of the autonomy of the HKSAR’. The May 2020 decision thereby contravenes Article 23 which stipulates that the HKSAR ‘shall enact [relevant laws] on its own’ (see above). The legal complexities will have to be clarified in the future; at the time of writing, however, the Chinese government’s decision appears to signal that it might no longer abide by the political rules of the game that have granted and circumscribed Hong Kong’s autonomy so far. 4 The number of tertiary graduates in the population aged 30–39 increased from 61,000 in 1981 to 297,000 in 2001 and 464,000 in 2011, and is projected to rise to 678,000 in 2021 (R. Wong, Citation 2016 ). 5 See, for example, the University of Hong Kong’s Public Opinion Programme (HKUPOP). On 28 June 2019, a HKUPOP press release reported that ‘53 per cent of the interviewees identified as Hongkongers, while 11 per cent identified as Chinese. 12 per cent identified as “Chinese in Hong Kong”, and 23 per cent identified themselves as “Hongkongers in China”. When asked if they were proud to be a national citizen of China, 71 per cent said “no” and 27 per cent said “yes.” 90 per cent in the age group 18–29 answered “no.”’; cf. https://hongkongfp.com/2019/06/28/hongkongers-identifying-chinese-record-low-10-youth-proud-citizens-poll/ . 7 In November, a bystander believed to be a mainland citizen was set on fire by protesters. The video clip went viral among mainland netizens as proof of Hong Kong protesters’ ‘rioting’ behaviour.
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[Register for free](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/registration?redirectUri=) Register a free Taylor & Francis Online account today to boost your research and gain these benefits: - Choose new content alerts to be informed about new research of interest to you - Easy remote access to your institution's subscriptions on any device, from any location - Save your searches and schedule alerts to send you new results - Export your search results into a .csv file to support your research [Register](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/registration?redirectUri=) now or [learn more](https://help.tandfonline.com/s/article/benefits-of-registering) [Advanced search](https://www.tandfonline.com/search/advanced) ![Publication Cover](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/showCoverImage?doi=10.1080/mijs20.v050.i04) [International Journal of Sociology](https://www.tandfonline.com/journals/mijs20) Volume 50, 2020 - [Issue 4](https://www.tandfonline.com/toc/mijs20/50/4) [Submit an article](https://rp.tandfonline.com/submission/create?journalCode=MIJS) [Journal homepage](https://www.tandfonline.com/mijs20) 6,909 Views 44 CrossRef citations to date 0 Altmetric Brief Reports # Be Water, My Friend: Hong Kong’s 2019 Anti-Extradition Protests [Heike Holbig](https://www.tandfonline.com/author/Holbig%2C+Heike)Faculty of Social Sciences, Goethe University Frankfurt/Main, Germany; ;Institute of Asian Studies, German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg, GermanyCorrespondence[holbig@soz.uni-frankfurt.de](mailto:holbig@soz.uni-frankfurt.de) [View further author information](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556#b0001) Pages 325-337 \\| Published online: 04 Aug 2020 - [Cite this article](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556 "Cite this article") - <https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556> - [![CrossMark Logo](https://www.tandfonline.com/templates/jsp/images/CROSSMARK_Color_horizontal.svg) CrossMark](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556) [![Sample our Social Sciences journals, sign in here to start your FREE access for 14 days](//:0)](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/clickThrough?id=110822&url=%2Fr%2Fsubjectsample-socialsciences&loc=%2Fdoi%2Ffull%2F10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556&pubId=53772345&placeholderId=1074&productId=1847) - [Full Article](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top&needAccess=true) - [Figures & data](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/figure/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top&needAccess=true) - [References](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/ref/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top) - [Citations](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/citedby/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top&needAccess=true) - [Metrics](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/metrics/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top) - [Reprints & Permissions](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/permissions/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556?scroll=top) - [Read this article /doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556?needAccess=true](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556) ## Abstract The 2019 wave of protests in Hong Kong, while reproducing the patterns of earlier social movements against perceived political pressure from the Chinese mainland, spiraled into an unprecedented escalation. This paper investigates the political, socio-economic and cultural factors that triggered the anti-extradition protests in 2019 and generated an environment in which participants appeared to deliberately accept the risks of violent confrontation. In particular, it analyses the movement’s symbolic repertoires, organizational features and resistance techniques, which responded to increasingly sophisticated techniques of authoritarian surveillance. Based on readings of the wider social movement literature, the paper juxtaposes global and local perceptions of protest events on the ground. Keywords: - [Hong Kong;](https://www.tandfonline.com/keyword/Hong+Kong%3B+) - [People's Republic of China;](https://www.tandfonline.com/keyword/People%27s+Republic+of+China%3B+) - [anti-extradition protests;](https://www.tandfonline.com/keyword/anti-extradition+protests%3B+) - [social movements;](https://www.tandfonline.com/keyword/social+movements%3B+) - [National security law](https://www.tandfonline.com/keyword/National+security+law) ## Notes 1 While the Legislative Council is often dubbed Hong Kong’s ‘parliament’, only half of its members are directly elected through geographical constituencies; the other half hold functional constituencies based on interest groups, most of them business-oriented and with a pro-Beijing background. 2 In a nutshell, the wording of the 1984 Sino-British Declaration and 1990 Basic Law was left strategically ambiguous with regard to universal suffrage (Holbig and Liu [Citation2000](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556)). Since 2017, the controversy has boiled down to whether Hong Kong voters would be allowed to freely elect the HKSAR’s chief executive from among a limited number of candidates preselected in a nomination process under the influence of Beijing. 3 Article 23 of the Basic Law states: ‘The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall enact laws on its own to prohibit any act of treason, secession, sedition, subversion against the Central People's Government, or theft of state secrets, to prohibit foreign political organisations or bodies from conducting political activities in the Region, and to prohibit political organisations or bodies of the Region from establishing ties with foreign political organisations or bodies.’ Since Hong Kong’s handover to China, the Standing Committee of the PRC’s National People’s Congress (PRC NPCSC) has interpreted the Basic Law in five instances (1999, 2004, 2005, 2011 and 2016; see Huang and Huang [Citation2016](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556)) in accordance with Article 158 which grants the PRC NPCSC the ultimate authority of interpretation of the Basic Law. The 2020 case is different, however, as the Chinese government has decided unilaterally to legislate a national security law without involving the LegCo, based on Article 18 of the Basic Law, which authorizes the Central People's Government to apply national laws in Hong Kong. According to this logic, the relevant law should be ‘confined to those relating to defense and foreign affairs as well as other matters outside the limits of the autonomy of the HKSAR’. The May 2020 decision thereby contravenes Article 23 which stipulates that the HKSAR ‘shall enact \[relevant laws\] on its own’ (see above). The legal complexities will have to be clarified in the future; at the time of writing, however, the Chinese government’s decision appears to signal that it might no longer abide by the political rules of the game that have granted and circumscribed Hong Kong’s autonomy so far. 4 The number of tertiary graduates in the population aged 30–39 increased from 61,000 in 1981 to 297,000 in 2001 and 464,000 in 2011, and is projected to rise to 678,000 in 2021 (R. Wong, [Citation2016](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556)). 5 See, for example, the University of Hong Kong’s Public Opinion Programme (HKUPOP). On 28 June 2019, a HKUPOP press release reported that ‘53 per cent of the interviewees identified as Hongkongers, while 11 per cent identified as Chinese. 12 per cent identified as “Chinese in Hong Kong”, and 23 per cent identified themselves as “Hongkongers in China”. When asked if they were proud to be a national citizen of China, 71 per cent said “no” and 27 per cent said “yes.” 90 per cent in the age group 18–29 answered “no.”’; cf. <https://hongkongfp.com/2019/06/28/hongkongers-identifying-chinese-record-low-10-youth-proud-citizens-poll/>. 6 The 1971 video clip was shared, among others, via Twitter by Amnesty International: <https://twitter.com/amnesty/status/1162730057942675456?lang=en> 7 In November, a bystander believed to be a mainland citizen was set on fire by protesters. The video clip went viral among mainland netizens as proof of Hong Kong protesters’ ‘rioting’ behaviour. Holbig, H., and J.-K. Liu. 2000. “Drei Jahre Politisches System Der SVR Hongkong. “Business as Usual” Oder “Deformierte Demokratie”?” China Aktuell 29 (7):785–800. [(Open in a new window)Google Scholar](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/getFTRLinkout?url=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.com%2Fscholar_lookup%3Fhl%3Den%26publication_year%3D2000%26pages%3D785-800%26journal%3DChina%2BAktuell%26issue%3D7%26author%3DH.%2BHolbig%26author%3DJ.-K.%2BLiu%26title%3DDrei%2BJahre%2BPolitisches%2BSystem%2BDer%2BSVR%2BHongkong.%2B%25E2%2580%259CBusiness%2Bas%2BUsual%25E2%2580%259D%2BOder%2B%25E2%2580%259CDeformierte%2BDemokratie%25E2%2580%259D%253F&doi=10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556&doiOfLink=&linkType=gs&linkLocation=Reference&linkSource=FULL_TEXT) Huang, Z., and E. Huang. 2016. “A Brief History: Beijing’s Interpretations of Hong Kong’s Basic Law, from 1999 to the Present Day. QUARTZ, November 27. [https://qz.com/828713/a-brief-history-beijings-interpretations-of-hong-kongs-basic-law-from-1999-to-the-present-day(open in a new window)](https://qz.com/828713/a-brief-history-beijings-interpretations-of-hong-kongs-basic-law-from-1999-to-the-present-day) [(Open in a new window)Google Scholar](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/getFTRLinkout?url=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.com%2Fscholar%3Fhl%3Den%26q%3DHuang%252C%2BZ.%252C%2Band%2BE.%2BHuang.%2B2016.%2B%25E2%2580%259CA%2BBrief%2BHistory%253A%2BBeijing%25E2%2580%2599s%2BInterpretations%2Bof%2BHong%2BKong%25E2%2580%2599s%2BBasic%2BLaw%252C%2Bfrom%2B1999%2Bto%2Bthe%2BPresent%2BDay.%2BQUARTZ%252C%2BNovember%2B27.%2B&doi=10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556&doiOfLink=&linkType=gs&linkLocation=Reference&linkSource=FULL_TEXT) Wong, R. 2016. “The Real Reason why Salaries are Depressed in Hong Kong.” South China Morning Post, May 10. [https://www.scmp.com/business/article/1943379/real-reason-why-salaries-are-depressed-hong-kong(open in a new window)](https://www.scmp.com/business/article/1943379/real-reason-why-salaries-are-depressed-hong-kong) [(Open in a new window)Google Scholar](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/getFTRLinkout?url=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.com%2Fscholar%3Fhl%3Den%26q%3DWong%252C%2BR.%2B2016.%2B%25E2%2580%259CThe%2BReal%2BReason%2Bwhy%2BSalaries%2Bare%2BDepressed%2Bin%2BHong%2BKong.%25E2%2580%259D%2BSouth%2BChina%2BMorning%2BPost%252C%2BMay%2B10.%2B&doi=10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556&doiOfLink=&linkType=gs&linkLocation=Reference&linkSource=FULL_TEXT) ## Additional information ### Notes on contributors #### Heike Holbig *Dr Heike Holbig* is a professor of political science with a focus on Chinese and East Asian area studies at Goethe University, Frankfurt/Main, and a senior research fellow at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg, Germany. Her research interests include Chinese politics, state-society relations, ideology and political legitimacy, as well as China’s changing role in the international order. ## Log in via your institution [Access through your institution](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/ssostart?redirectUri=%2Fdoi%2Ffull%2F10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556) ## Log in to Taylor & Francis Online [Log in](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556) [Shibboleth](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/ssostart?redirectUri=%2Fdoi%2Ffull%2F10.1080%2F00207659.2020.1802556) ## Log in to Taylor & Francis Online #### ## Restore content access [Restore content access for purchases made as guest](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/showRestoreContentAccess) [Purchase options \](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556#purchasePanel) [Save for later](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/saveItem?doi=10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556) [Item saved, go to cart](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/showCart) PDF download + Online access - 48 hours access to article PDF & online version - Article PDF can be downloaded - Article PDF can be printed USD 56.00 [Add to cart](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/addToCart?id=SSHAP_N_2014-SSH%20ARTICLE%20PURCHASE%20ROW%20USD%202026%20$-ELECTRONIC-USD-10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556-714578) PDF download + Online access - Online [Checkout](https://www.tandfonline.com/action/showCart?FlowID=2) \ Local tax will be added as applicable - [Share](https://www.addtoany.com/share) - [Back to Top](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00207659.2020.1802556#top) ## Related Research People also read lists articles that other readers of this article have read. 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