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| Meta Title | How Trump Weaponized 'Fake News' for His Own Political Ends |
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| Boilerpipe Text | For someone with as long a list of enemies as President Donald Trumpâa guy who once dedicated his New Years wishes
to his many haters
âit says something that American media tops the list. Epithets like âLittle Marcoâ and âCrooked Hillaryâ marked his candidacy, but since taking office, the standout slur is the all-purpose one that he uses against journalists: âFake News.â
During his first year in office, Trump averaged more than a daily use of the word âfake,â
a CNN analysis
of his tweets found, and while his use of the word âfakeâ was occasionally applied to such things as the Russia dossier, it was almost always directed at the news media as an insult.
Over time, examples of the phrase have popped up here and there, but Google Trends shows it didnât become commonly cited until Trump essentially made it so:
(Photo: Google Trends)
âFake newsâ was dubbed the âWord of the Yearâ for 2017 by the Collins Dictionary, which found that the termâs
usage had risen by 365
percent since the 2016 election. But if Trump helped popularize the misuse of the term, he didnât invent it.
During the 2016 campaign, âfake newsâ was used to describe
actual fabricated news stories
from websites that publish hoaxes, as well as from hyper-partisan websites purporting to offer real news. Some of those storiesâincluding false scoops about Pope Francis endorsing Trump and Hillary Clinton selling weapons to ISISâwent viral on Facebook in the final months of the election. Overwhelmingly, the stories
tended to favor
Trump.
Such revelations might have been used to question the legitimacy of Trumpâs electoral win, but once elected, Trump weaponized the term, turning its meaning on its head. Instead of using it to describe a specific corrupt phenomenon (which, again, overwhelmingly aided his candidacy), he used it to discredit the non-fake news sources that might keep his power in check. With the help of his 48 million Twitter followers and the most powerful political platform in the world, his campaign to transform âfake newsâ into an all-occasion put-down has worked, at least by some measures.
Now, âfake newsâ can refer to biased media, editorial malfeasance, spurious content produced overseas for profit, or simply any news Trump doesnât likeâdepending on whoâs listening.
A majority of Americans now think âfake newsâ
poses a threat to democracy
, according to a
recent Gallup-Knight Foundation survey
; they just canât agree about what that actually means. And what they think it means varies by political persuasion.
There is no evidence that real news outlets have become radically more inaccurate, for instance, but the survey found that 42 percent of Republicans now consider any news critical of a politician to be âfake news.â (Yes,
you read that right
.)
Meanwhile,Â
research from
Dartmouth Collegeâs Brendan Nyhan and others has found the reach of fake news to be wide but shallow: During the election, only a subset of Americans visited fake news websitesâwebsites promoting faux election storiesâand most were likely exposed through Facebook in a glancing way.
Whatâs more, the promotion of fake news stories online is just one part of a larger social media-fueled phenomenon some call â
information disorder
.â
Such worthy concerns have become little more than a footnote in a larger hysteria around traditional media, however, fueled by Trumpâs obsession with demonizing those who report on him.
Of greater concern than the drivel promoted at the margins of social media is how Trump has used its existence to say that everything is broken. Just as he tapped into peopleâs fears of joblessness or anger at feeling displaced in their own country, Trump has exploited fear and uncertainty around the media for his own political advantage.
In doing so, heâs already done much more to disrupt and obfuscate the flow of truthful information than anything spread by some spurious websites on Facebook.
A Brief History of Fake News and Its Political Exploiters
Fake news, broadly defined, has been around a long time, as
a thumbnail history
by the
Columbia Journalism Review
shows.
One of the best-known hoaxes occurred in 1938, when Orson Wellesâ portrayal of a Martian invasion, which aired on CBS, incited widespread panic in listeners who missed the initial disclaimer that the segment was not news but a live radio drama.
Then as now, the panic stemmed not so much from the content itself, but rather from perceptions about the medium. As Benjamin Naddaff-Hafrey has
argued
in
Pacific Standard
, public anxiety over
War of the Worlds
centered on ânotions of aural suggestibility that made an imaginative radio play the focus of extraordinary popular concern.â In other words, then, as now, the panic over âfake newsâ outweighed the actual problem.
Among the most high-profile examples of fake news in modern American history involved the retraction of a Pulitzer Prize awarded to the
Washington Post
âs Janet Cooke in 1981, when her
story
about a child heroin user was found to be fabricated. It was a shocking revelation, particularly coming under the nose of the
same editor
who had led the
Post
âs heroic coverage of Vietnam and Watergate. And while we donât know just how much damage Cookeâs story did to the country, its pernicious effect on Americansâ perceptions of media are clear: More than 30 years later, overall
trust in the institution has not recovered
,Â
research indicates
.
Politicians have used such distrust to their advantageâand not just
recently
: For as long as thereâs been fake news, there have been those whoâve sought to capitalize on it politically.
Thereâs the term LĂźgenpresse (âlying pressâ), which found an audience in Nazi-era Germany,
among other places
. And thereâs Joseph Stalinâs âvrag narodaâ (âenemy of the peopleâ) language, used to encompass
a broad array of opposition
, which Trump has co-opted and applied to media. Trump even seems to have inspired a few foreign dictators himself: A Google trends map of âfake newsâ under the Philippinesâ Rodrigo Duterte
parallels the termâs use in the U.S.
, and a
Politico
review
demonstrates that
leaders and state media in at least 15 countries use the phrase to dismiss critics.
The Founding Fathers expressed concern about âfake newsâ too. In 1807,
then-President Thomas Jefferson wrote
, âIt is a melancholy truth, that a suppression of the press could not more compleatly [sic] deprive the nation of its benefits, than is done by its abandoned prostitution to falsehood. Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper.â
President Donald Trump appears on a television camera monitor during a meeting with state and local officials to unveil his administrationâs long-awaited infrastructure plan in the State Dining Room at the White House on February 12th, 2018, in Washington, D.C.Â
(Photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)
Yet the modern press, which strives for evenhandedness, bears little resemblance to what Jefferson saw. âIn the 1800s, you had editors who were party operatives and papers written solely to whip up the crowd,â
Mark Feldstein
, a journalism historian at the University of Maryland, tells me.
âThatâs different from the kind of notion that Trump has spread, and thatâs spread on the right. That is a malicious, deliberate, demonic kind of falsification for political purposes,â Feldstein says, adding, âthatâs a relatively new and insidious development.â
As Nyhan tells me of Trump: âHeâs certainly not the first politician to attack the media. But in contemporary American politics, weâve never seen a president go after the media so frequently and with such vitriol. âFake newsâ is one version of that that is potentially the most damaging.â
The Biggest Lie of Fake News
The birth of âfake newsâ as we know it
can be traced
to January of 2017, when Trump used it to dismiss tough questioning about his ties to Russia. But the political theater reached new heights in January of this year, whenâhaving parlayed
racist conspiracy theories
about Americaâs first black president right into his seat at the White HouseâTrump decided he should play high judge to accuracy in reporting with his âFake News Awards.â
Vocally hyped, then subsequently delayed, then downgraded to a â
potential event
,â it amounted to little more than a rehash of the presidentâs old Twitter gripes. Many of the stories singled out were indeed inaccurate but had been duly corrected, with
serious repercussions
for journalists who erred.
If the stories had a commonality, it was how few of themâbe they about
crowd size
at a rally or a
handshake
with the Polish first ladyâcould be said to matter at all. And if they underscored anything, it was how little of the most consequential disinformation was actually disseminated by the outlets that Trump likes to attack, as well as how little of it had anything remotely to do with editorial malfeasance.
As with nearly any point in American history, the most damaging misinformation has come from the people whose power the press exists to check.
Consider how the Nixon administration misled the public around the Vietnam Warâlies paid for in the flesh and blood sacrifice of American soldiers. Then consider Trumpâs âFake News Awards,â which among other things focused on whether he had
overfed
some fish in Japan.
At times, the presidentâs âfake newsâ circus can feel frivolousâbut itâs not. And what his whole phony fixation with âfake newsâ threatens to distract us from is that the violence of what heâs suggesting is only just barely under the surface. He has called for the jailing of journalists and kept them cordoned off in pens during his campaign rallies. In January, when a teenager called up CNN and threatened to gun down everyone at their âfake newsâ headquarters,
nobody had to ask where heâd gotten that notion
.
No One Agrees What Fake News Is (or What to Do About It)
Even the dictionary doesnât know how to define fake news. In Dictionary.comâs next update, the online reference will add a definition for âfake news,â
Time
has reported
, but the proposed definition ignores crucial political context, offering: âfalse news stories, often of a sensational nature, created to be widely shared online for the purpose of generating ad revenue via web traffic or discrediting a public figure, political movement, company, etc.â The move has been described as part of the dictionaryâsÂ
commitment to neutrality
, but itâs hard to ignore that itâs precisely the definition Trump would want in the dictionary. (In an email, Dictionary.comâs Jane Solomon tells me, âweâre closely monitoring developments in meaning of this term, and weâll make changes to our entry if thatâs where our research leads us.â)
Similarly, students at top high schools around the country have whole courses
dedicated to
media
literacy
, so they can differentiate real news from fake news online. But who will teach them about how Trump has politicized âfake newsâ?
Perhaps itâs telling that Craig Silverman, the BuzzFeed reporter whose investigative reporting on Facebook helped ignite the conversation around âfake news,â has offered a mea culpa for his role in popularizing the term. âI should have realized that any person, idea, or phraseâhowever neutral in its intentionâcould be twisted into a partisan cudgel,â
he wrote
.
Thatâs why some critics, like
Claire Wardle
âa research fellow running
First Draft
, a project of the Shorenstein Center at Harvard Universityâs Kennedy Schoolâhave abandoned the term âfake newsâ entirely, even as she strives to tackle the real problems of information pollution online.
âThe reason I donât like the phrase now is itâs used as a term to describe everything,â Wardle
told the BBC
. In a widely shared 2017 paper for the Council of Europe, â
Information Disorder
,â Wardle and her team lay out some more precise terms, which account for the intent of the speaker or author in differentiating between âmis-information,â âdis-information,â and âmal-information.â They also offer suggestions for how technology companies, government actors, and others can work toward solutions.
In the short term, the outlook for solving the real problem, specifically one thatâs enabled by companies like Facebook, is grim: The
Facebook-friendly
Trump administration has already
knee-capped regulators
. And thereâs little reason to think companies for whom profit is king will do all thatâs necessary to self-regulate,
though recently
Facebook has promised some changes.
Even on the most basic frontâdefining the terms of the âfake newsâ conversationâexperts face a wall: Few things carry farther than Trumpâs Twitter feed, after all, and the fast pace of online information makes it hard for nuanced definitions to break through.
That means even the relatively simple task of illuminating the greater issueâhow Trump is exploiting the situation to sew distrust in the institution of media, and experts everywhereâwill continue to be an
uphill battle
.
As with anything, the first step in solving a problem is recognizing that you have oneâand false reports about fish feeding arenât it. |
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[Home](https://psmag.com/) [Social Justice](https://psmag.com/social-justice/) **How Trump Weaponized âFake Newsâ for His Own Political Ends**
- [Social Justice](https://psmag.com/social-justice/)
# How Trump Weaponized âFake Newsâ for His Own Political Ends
[Lucia Graves](https://psmag.com/author/lucia-graves/)
February 26, 2018
Fake news has become one more way for the president to distort truthâbut the worst of what passes for it has little to do with press.

For someone with as long a list of enemies as President Donald Trumpâa guy who once dedicated his New Years wishes [to his many haters](https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/815185071317676033?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw&ref_url=http%3A%2F%2Ftime.com%2F4619941%2Fdonald-trump-new-years-eve-tweet%2F)âit says something that American media tops the list. Epithets like âLittle Marcoâ and âCrooked Hillaryâ marked his candidacy, but since taking office, the standout slur is the all-purpose one that he uses against journalists: âFake News.â
During his first year in office, Trump averaged more than a daily use of the word âfake,â [a CNN analysis](http://money.cnn.com/2018/01/17/media/president-trump-fake-news-count/index.html) of his tweets found, and while his use of the word âfakeâ was occasionally applied to such things as the Russia dossier, it was almost always directed at the news media as an insult.
Over time, examples of the phrase have popped up here and there, but Google Trends shows it didnât become commonly cited until Trump essentially made it so:

(Photo: Google Trends)
âFake newsâ was dubbed the âWord of the Yearâ for 2017 by the Collins Dictionary, which found that the termâs [usage had risen by 365](http://www.newsweek.com/fake-news-word-year-collins-dictionary-699740) percent since the 2016 election. But if Trump helped popularize the misuse of the term, he didnât invent it.
During the 2016 campaign, âfake newsâ was used to describe [actual fabricated news stories](https://www.buzzfeed.com/craigsilverman/how-macedonia-became-a-global-hub-for-pro-trump-misinfo?utm_term=.ksnqzVA3Q#.pqAjY8nxA) from websites that publish hoaxes, as well as from hyper-partisan websites purporting to offer real news. Some of those storiesâincluding false scoops about Pope Francis endorsing Trump and Hillary Clinton selling weapons to ISISâwent viral on Facebook in the final months of the election. Overwhelmingly, the stories [tended to favor](https://www.buzzfeed.com/craigsilverman/viral-fake-election-news-outperformed-real-news-on-facebook?utm_term=.iwq2Z8Dk5#.aiy4Q3Dx2) Trump.
Such revelations might have been used to question the legitimacy of Trumpâs electoral win, but once elected, Trump weaponized the term, turning its meaning on its head. Instead of using it to describe a specific corrupt phenomenon (which, again, overwhelmingly aided his candidacy), he used it to discredit the non-fake news sources that might keep his power in check. With the help of his 48 million Twitter followers and the most powerful political platform in the world, his campaign to transform âfake newsâ into an all-occasion put-down has worked, at least by some measures.
Now, âfake newsâ can refer to biased media, editorial malfeasance, spurious content produced overseas for profit, or simply any news Trump doesnât likeâdepending on whoâs listening.
A majority of Americans now think âfake newsâ [poses a threat to democracy](https://knightfoundation.org/reports/american-views-trust-media-and-democracy), according to a [recent Gallup-Knight Foundation survey](https://kf-site-production.s3.amazonaws.com/publications/pdfs/000/000/242/original/KnightFoundation_AmericansViews_Client_Report_010917_Final_Updated.pdf); they just canât agree about what that actually means. And what they think it means varies by political persuasion.
There is no evidence that real news outlets have become radically more inaccurate, for instance, but the survey found that 42 percent of Republicans now consider any news critical of a politician to be âfake news.â (Yes, [you read that right](https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/erik-wemple/wp/2018/01/16/study-42-percent-of-republicans-believe-accurate-but-negative-stories-qualify-as-fake-news/?utm_term=.40fd89a22fa6).)
Meanwhile, [research from](http://www.dartmouth.edu/~nyhan/fake-news-2016.pdf) Dartmouth Collegeâs Brendan Nyhan and others has found the reach of fake news to be wide but shallow: During the election, only a subset of Americans visited fake news websitesâwebsites promoting faux election storiesâand most were likely exposed through Facebook in a glancing way.
Whatâs more, the promotion of fake news stories online is just one part of a larger social media-fueled phenomenon some call â[information disorder](https://rm.coe.int/information-disorder-toward-an-interdisciplinary-framework-for-researc/168076277c).â
Such worthy concerns have become little more than a footnote in a larger hysteria around traditional media, however, fueled by Trumpâs obsession with demonizing those who report on him.
Of greater concern than the drivel promoted at the margins of social media is how Trump has used its existence to say that everything is broken. Just as he tapped into peopleâs fears of joblessness or anger at feeling displaced in their own country, Trump has exploited fear and uncertainty around the media for his own political advantage.
In doing so, heâs already done much more to disrupt and obfuscate the flow of truthful information than anything spread by some spurious websites on Facebook.
### A Brief History of Fake News and Its Political Exploiters
Fake news, broadly defined, has been around a long time, as [a thumbnail history](https://www.cjr.org/special_report/fake_news_history.php) by the *Columbia Journalism Review* shows.
One of the best-known hoaxes occurred in 1938, when Orson Wellesâ portrayal of a Martian invasion, which aired on CBS, incited widespread panic in listeners who missed the initial disclaimer that the segment was not news but a live radio drama.
Then as now, the panic stemmed not so much from the content itself, but rather from perceptions about the medium. As Benjamin Naddaff-Hafrey has [argued](https://psmag.com/social-justice/orson-welles-war-of-the-worlds-and-mass-media) in *Pacific Standard*, public anxiety over *War of the Worlds* centered on ânotions of aural suggestibility that made an imaginative radio play the focus of extraordinary popular concern.â In other words, then, as now, the panic over âfake newsâ outweighed the actual problem.
Among the most high-profile examples of fake news in modern American history involved the retraction of a Pulitzer Prize awarded to the *Washington Post*âs Janet Cooke in 1981, when her [story](https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/1996/05/09/janet-cookes-untold-story/23151d68-3abd-449a-a053-d72793939d85/?utm_term=.124fa0f3fa22) about a child heroin user was found to be fabricated. It was a shocking revelation, particularly coming under the nose of the [same editor](https://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/22/business/media/ben-bradlee-editor-who-directed-watergate-coverage-dies-at-93.html) who had led the *Post*âs heroic coverage of Vietnam and Watergate. And while we donât know just how much damage Cookeâs story did to the country, its pernicious effect on Americansâ perceptions of media are clear: More than 30 years later, overall [trust in the institution has not recovered](https://www.cjr.org/the_feature/the_fabulist_who_changed_journalism.php), [research indicates](https://www.poynter.org/news/trump-causing-democrats-trust-media-more-while-republicans-are-endorsing-more-extreme-views).
Politicians have used such distrust to their advantageâand not just [recently](https://www.politico.com/story/2009/11/palin-trashes-lamestream-media-029693): For as long as thereâs been fake news, there have been those whoâve sought to capitalize on it politically.
Thereâs the term LĂźgenpresse (âlying pressâ), which found an audience in Nazi-era Germany, [among other places](https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/the-ominous-nazi-era-precedent-to-trump-s-fake-news-attacks-1.5438960). And thereâs Joseph Stalinâs âvrag narodaâ (âenemy of the peopleâ) language, used to encompass [a broad array of opposition](https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/donald-trump-and-the-enemies-of-the-american-people), which Trump has co-opted and applied to media. Trump even seems to have inspired a few foreign dictators himself: A Google trends map of âfake newsâ under the Philippinesâ Rodrigo Duterte [parallels the termâs use in the U.S.](https://trends.google.com/trends/explore?date=all&geo=PH&q=%22fake%20news%22), and a *Politico* review [demonstrates that](https://www.politico.com/story/2017/12/08/trump-fake-news-despots-287129) leaders and state media in at least 15 countries use the phrase to dismiss critics.
The Founding Fathers expressed concern about âfake newsâ too. In 1807, [then-President Thomas Jefferson wrote](http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/amendI_speechs29.html), âIt is a melancholy truth, that a suppression of the press could not more compleatly \[sic\] deprive the nation of its benefits, than is done by its abandoned prostitution to falsehood. Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper.â

President Donald Trump appears on a television camera monitor during a meeting with state and local officials to unveil his administrationâs long-awaited infrastructure plan in the State Dining Room at the White House on February 12th, 2018, in Washington, D.C.
(Photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)
Yet the modern press, which strives for evenhandedness, bears little resemblance to what Jefferson saw. âIn the 1800s, you had editors who were party operatives and papers written solely to whip up the crowd,â [Mark Feldstein](https://merrill.umd.edu/about-merrill/staff-faculty/mark-feldstein/), a journalism historian at the University of Maryland, tells me.
âThatâs different from the kind of notion that Trump has spread, and thatâs spread on the right. That is a malicious, deliberate, demonic kind of falsification for political purposes,â Feldstein says, adding, âthatâs a relatively new and insidious development.â
As Nyhan tells me of Trump: âHeâs certainly not the first politician to attack the media. But in contemporary American politics, weâve never seen a president go after the media so frequently and with such vitriol. âFake newsâ is one version of that that is potentially the most damaging.â
### The Biggest Lie of Fake News
The birth of âfake newsâ as we know it [can be traced](https://www.buzzfeed.com/craigsilverman/i-helped-popularize-the-term-fake-news-and-now-i-cringe?utm_term=.aga90MEm2#.hykzOAxaL) to January of 2017, when Trump used it to dismiss tough questioning about his ties to Russia. But the political theater reached new heights in January of this year, whenâhaving parlayed [racist conspiracy theories](https://psmag.com/news/the-folly-of-calling-trump-voters-oppressed) about Americaâs first black president right into his seat at the White HouseâTrump decided he should play high judge to accuracy in reporting with his âFake News Awards.â
Vocally hyped, then subsequently delayed, then downgraded to a â[potential event](https://twitter.com/grynbaum/status/95337985145246000),â it amounted to little more than a rehash of the presidentâs old Twitter gripes. Many of the stories singled out were indeed inaccurate but had been duly corrected, with [serious repercussions](https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/26/business/3-cnn-journalists-resign-after-retracted-story-on-trump-ally.html) for journalists who erred.
If the stories had a commonality, it was how few of themâbe they about [crowd size](https://twitter.com/daveweigel/status/939619855191470081?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw&ref_url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.politifact.com%2Ftruth-o-meter%2Farticle%2F2018%2Fjan%2F18%2Ffact-checking-donald-trumps-fake-news-awards%2F) at a rally or a [handshake](http://www.newsweek.com/donald-trump-handshake-poland-president-wife-melania-trump-smack-video-watch-632808) with the Polish first ladyâcould be said to matter at all. And if they underscored anything, it was how little of the most consequential disinformation was actually disseminated by the outlets that Trump likes to attack, as well as how little of it had anything remotely to do with editorial malfeasance.
As with nearly any point in American history, the most damaging misinformation has come from the people whose power the press exists to check.
Consider how the Nixon administration misled the public around the Vietnam Warâlies paid for in the flesh and blood sacrifice of American soldiers. Then consider Trumpâs âFake News Awards,â which among other things focused on whether he had [overfed](http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/article/2017/nov/06/donald-trump-and-fish-food-dump-how-early-reports-/) some fish in Japan.
At times, the presidentâs âfake newsâ circus can feel frivolousâbut itâs not. And what his whole phony fixation with âfake newsâ threatens to distract us from is that the violence of what heâs suggesting is only just barely under the surface. He has called for the jailing of journalists and kept them cordoned off in pens during his campaign rallies. In January, when a teenager called up CNN and threatened to gun down everyone at their âfake newsâ headquarters, [nobody had to ask where heâd gotten that notion](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/jan/24/cnn-trump-brandon-griesemer).
### No One Agrees What Fake News Is (or What to Do About It)
Even the dictionary doesnât know how to define fake news. In Dictionary.comâs next update, the online reference will add a definition for âfake news,â [*Time*](http://time.com/4959488/donald-trump-fake-news-meaning/) [has reported](http://time.com/4959488/donald-trump-fake-news-meaning/), but the proposed definition ignores crucial political context, offering: âfalse news stories, often of a sensational nature, created to be widely shared online for the purpose of generating ad revenue via web traffic or discrediting a public figure, political movement, company, etc.â The move has been described as part of the dictionaryâs [commitment to neutrality](http://time.com/4959488/donald-trump-fake-news-meaning/), but itâs hard to ignore that itâs precisely the definition Trump would want in the dictionary. (In an email, Dictionary.comâs Jane Solomon tells me, âweâre closely monitoring developments in meaning of this term, and weâll make changes to our entry if thatâs where our research leads us.â)
Similarly, students at top high schools around the country have whole courses [dedicated to](http://boston.cbslocal.com/2017/10/19/fake-news-class-andover-high-school-eye-on-education/) [media](http://www.sharonherald.com/news/hermitage-students-learn-to-spot-fake-news/article_5ce1a746-fbf8-11e7-bd5e-4baed7abe7f0.html) [literacy](http://wjla.com/features/spotlight-on-education/arlington-students-use-new-digital-tool-to-spot-fake-news), so they can differentiate real news from fake news online. But who will teach them about how Trump has politicized âfake newsâ?
Perhaps itâs telling that Craig Silverman, the BuzzFeed reporter whose investigative reporting on Facebook helped ignite the conversation around âfake news,â has offered a mea culpa for his role in popularizing the term. âI should have realized that any person, idea, or phraseâhowever neutral in its intentionâcould be twisted into a partisan cudgel,â [he wrote](https://www.buzzfeed.com/craigsilverman/i-helped-popularize-the-term-fake-news-and-now-i-cringe?utm_term=.tpOO7wVR82#.rpd8qX19B2).
Thatâs why some critics, like [Claire Wardle](https://firstdraftnews.org/author/cwardle/)âa research fellow running [First Draft](https://firstdraftnews.org/fd-shorenstein/), a project of the Shorenstein Center at Harvard Universityâs Kennedy Schoolâhave abandoned the term âfake newsâ entirely, even as she strives to tackle the real problems of information pollution online.
âThe reason I donât like the phrase now is itâs used as a term to describe everything,â Wardle [told the BBC](http://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-trending-42724320). In a widely shared 2017 paper for the Council of Europe, â[Information Disorder](https://rm.coe.int/information-disorder-toward-an-interdisciplinary-framework-for-researc/168076277c),â Wardle and her team lay out some more precise terms, which account for the intent of the speaker or author in differentiating between âmis-information,â âdis-information,â and âmal-information.â They also offer suggestions for how technology companies, government actors, and others can work toward solutions.
In the short term, the outlook for solving the real problem, specifically one thatâs enabled by companies like Facebook, is grim: The [Facebook-friendly](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2017/oct/08/trump-digital-director-brad-parscale-facebook-advertising) Trump administration has already [knee-capped regulators](https://www.brookings.edu/blog/techtank/2018/01/30/the-state-of-tech-policy-one-year-into-the-trump-administration/). And thereâs little reason to think companies for whom profit is king will do all thatâs necessary to self-regulate, [though recently](https://www.buzzfeed.com/henrygomez/facebook-promised-political-advertising-changes-after-2016?utm_term=.xuvda5AonE#.qrDpkaENqV) Facebook has promised some changes.
Even on the most basic frontâdefining the terms of the âfake newsâ conversationâexperts face a wall: Few things carry farther than Trumpâs Twitter feed, after all, and the fast pace of online information makes it hard for nuanced definitions to break through.
That means even the relatively simple task of illuminating the greater issueâhow Trump is exploiting the situation to sew distrust in the institution of media, and experts everywhereâwill continue to be an [uphill battle](https://firstdraftnews.org/fake-news-complicated/).
As with anything, the first step in solving a problem is recognizing that you have oneâand false reports about fish feeding arenât it.
- [Donald Trump](https://psmag.com/tag/donald-trump/)
- [Fake News](https://psmag.com/tag/fake-news/)
- [Information Disorder](https://psmag.com/tag/information-disorder/)
- [Media](https://psmag.com/tag/media/)
- [Rodrigo Duterte](https://psmag.com/tag/rodrigo-duterte/)
- [Thomas Jefferson](https://psmag.com/tag/thomas-jefferson/)
[Lucia Graves](https://psmag.com/author/lucia-graves/) Author
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| Readable Markdown | For someone with as long a list of enemies as President Donald Trumpâa guy who once dedicated his New Years wishes [to his many haters](https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/815185071317676033?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw&ref_url=http%3A%2F%2Ftime.com%2F4619941%2Fdonald-trump-new-years-eve-tweet%2F)âit says something that American media tops the list. Epithets like âLittle Marcoâ and âCrooked Hillaryâ marked his candidacy, but since taking office, the standout slur is the all-purpose one that he uses against journalists: âFake News.â
During his first year in office, Trump averaged more than a daily use of the word âfake,â [a CNN analysis](http://money.cnn.com/2018/01/17/media/president-trump-fake-news-count/index.html) of his tweets found, and while his use of the word âfakeâ was occasionally applied to such things as the Russia dossier, it was almost always directed at the news media as an insult.
Over time, examples of the phrase have popped up here and there, but Google Trends shows it didnât become commonly cited until Trump essentially made it so:

(Photo: Google Trends)
âFake newsâ was dubbed the âWord of the Yearâ for 2017 by the Collins Dictionary, which found that the termâs [usage had risen by 365](http://www.newsweek.com/fake-news-word-year-collins-dictionary-699740) percent since the 2016 election. But if Trump helped popularize the misuse of the term, he didnât invent it.
During the 2016 campaign, âfake newsâ was used to describe [actual fabricated news stories](https://www.buzzfeed.com/craigsilverman/how-macedonia-became-a-global-hub-for-pro-trump-misinfo?utm_term=.ksnqzVA3Q#.pqAjY8nxA) from websites that publish hoaxes, as well as from hyper-partisan websites purporting to offer real news. Some of those storiesâincluding false scoops about Pope Francis endorsing Trump and Hillary Clinton selling weapons to ISISâwent viral on Facebook in the final months of the election. Overwhelmingly, the stories [tended to favor](https://www.buzzfeed.com/craigsilverman/viral-fake-election-news-outperformed-real-news-on-facebook?utm_term=.iwq2Z8Dk5#.aiy4Q3Dx2) Trump.
Such revelations might have been used to question the legitimacy of Trumpâs electoral win, but once elected, Trump weaponized the term, turning its meaning on its head. Instead of using it to describe a specific corrupt phenomenon (which, again, overwhelmingly aided his candidacy), he used it to discredit the non-fake news sources that might keep his power in check. With the help of his 48 million Twitter followers and the most powerful political platform in the world, his campaign to transform âfake newsâ into an all-occasion put-down has worked, at least by some measures.
Now, âfake newsâ can refer to biased media, editorial malfeasance, spurious content produced overseas for profit, or simply any news Trump doesnât likeâdepending on whoâs listening.
A majority of Americans now think âfake newsâ [poses a threat to democracy](https://knightfoundation.org/reports/american-views-trust-media-and-democracy), according to a [recent Gallup-Knight Foundation survey](https://kf-site-production.s3.amazonaws.com/publications/pdfs/000/000/242/original/KnightFoundation_AmericansViews_Client_Report_010917_Final_Updated.pdf); they just canât agree about what that actually means. And what they think it means varies by political persuasion.
There is no evidence that real news outlets have become radically more inaccurate, for instance, but the survey found that 42 percent of Republicans now consider any news critical of a politician to be âfake news.â (Yes, [you read that right](https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/erik-wemple/wp/2018/01/16/study-42-percent-of-republicans-believe-accurate-but-negative-stories-qualify-as-fake-news/?utm_term=.40fd89a22fa6).)
Meanwhile, [research from](http://www.dartmouth.edu/~nyhan/fake-news-2016.pdf) Dartmouth Collegeâs Brendan Nyhan and others has found the reach of fake news to be wide but shallow: During the election, only a subset of Americans visited fake news websitesâwebsites promoting faux election storiesâand most were likely exposed through Facebook in a glancing way.
Whatâs more, the promotion of fake news stories online is just one part of a larger social media-fueled phenomenon some call â[information disorder](https://rm.coe.int/information-disorder-toward-an-interdisciplinary-framework-for-researc/168076277c).â
Such worthy concerns have become little more than a footnote in a larger hysteria around traditional media, however, fueled by Trumpâs obsession with demonizing those who report on him.
Of greater concern than the drivel promoted at the margins of social media is how Trump has used its existence to say that everything is broken. Just as he tapped into peopleâs fears of joblessness or anger at feeling displaced in their own country, Trump has exploited fear and uncertainty around the media for his own political advantage.
In doing so, heâs already done much more to disrupt and obfuscate the flow of truthful information than anything spread by some spurious websites on Facebook.
### A Brief History of Fake News and Its Political Exploiters
Fake news, broadly defined, has been around a long time, as [a thumbnail history](https://www.cjr.org/special_report/fake_news_history.php) by the *Columbia Journalism Review* shows.
One of the best-known hoaxes occurred in 1938, when Orson Wellesâ portrayal of a Martian invasion, which aired on CBS, incited widespread panic in listeners who missed the initial disclaimer that the segment was not news but a live radio drama.
Then as now, the panic stemmed not so much from the content itself, but rather from perceptions about the medium. As Benjamin Naddaff-Hafrey has [argued](https://psmag.com/social-justice/orson-welles-war-of-the-worlds-and-mass-media) in *Pacific Standard*, public anxiety over *War of the Worlds* centered on ânotions of aural suggestibility that made an imaginative radio play the focus of extraordinary popular concern.â In other words, then, as now, the panic over âfake newsâ outweighed the actual problem.
Among the most high-profile examples of fake news in modern American history involved the retraction of a Pulitzer Prize awarded to the *Washington Post*âs Janet Cooke in 1981, when her [story](https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/1996/05/09/janet-cookes-untold-story/23151d68-3abd-449a-a053-d72793939d85/?utm_term=.124fa0f3fa22) about a child heroin user was found to be fabricated. It was a shocking revelation, particularly coming under the nose of the [same editor](https://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/22/business/media/ben-bradlee-editor-who-directed-watergate-coverage-dies-at-93.html) who had led the *Post*âs heroic coverage of Vietnam and Watergate. And while we donât know just how much damage Cookeâs story did to the country, its pernicious effect on Americansâ perceptions of media are clear: More than 30 years later, overall [trust in the institution has not recovered](https://www.cjr.org/the_feature/the_fabulist_who_changed_journalism.php), [research indicates](https://www.poynter.org/news/trump-causing-democrats-trust-media-more-while-republicans-are-endorsing-more-extreme-views).
Politicians have used such distrust to their advantageâand not just [recently](https://www.politico.com/story/2009/11/palin-trashes-lamestream-media-029693): For as long as thereâs been fake news, there have been those whoâve sought to capitalize on it politically.
Thereâs the term LĂźgenpresse (âlying pressâ), which found an audience in Nazi-era Germany, [among other places](https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/the-ominous-nazi-era-precedent-to-trump-s-fake-news-attacks-1.5438960). And thereâs Joseph Stalinâs âvrag narodaâ (âenemy of the peopleâ) language, used to encompass [a broad array of opposition](https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/donald-trump-and-the-enemies-of-the-american-people), which Trump has co-opted and applied to media. Trump even seems to have inspired a few foreign dictators himself: A Google trends map of âfake newsâ under the Philippinesâ Rodrigo Duterte [parallels the termâs use in the U.S.](https://trends.google.com/trends/explore?date=all&geo=PH&q=%22fake%20news%22), and a *Politico* review [demonstrates that](https://www.politico.com/story/2017/12/08/trump-fake-news-despots-287129) leaders and state media in at least 15 countries use the phrase to dismiss critics.
The Founding Fathers expressed concern about âfake newsâ too. In 1807, [then-President Thomas Jefferson wrote](http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/amendI_speechs29.html), âIt is a melancholy truth, that a suppression of the press could not more compleatly \[sic\] deprive the nation of its benefits, than is done by its abandoned prostitution to falsehood. Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper.â

President Donald Trump appears on a television camera monitor during a meeting with state and local officials to unveil his administrationâs long-awaited infrastructure plan in the State Dining Room at the White House on February 12th, 2018, in Washington, D.C.
(Photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)
Yet the modern press, which strives for evenhandedness, bears little resemblance to what Jefferson saw. âIn the 1800s, you had editors who were party operatives and papers written solely to whip up the crowd,â [Mark Feldstein](https://merrill.umd.edu/about-merrill/staff-faculty/mark-feldstein/), a journalism historian at the University of Maryland, tells me.
âThatâs different from the kind of notion that Trump has spread, and thatâs spread on the right. That is a malicious, deliberate, demonic kind of falsification for political purposes,â Feldstein says, adding, âthatâs a relatively new and insidious development.â
As Nyhan tells me of Trump: âHeâs certainly not the first politician to attack the media. But in contemporary American politics, weâve never seen a president go after the media so frequently and with such vitriol. âFake newsâ is one version of that that is potentially the most damaging.â
### The Biggest Lie of Fake News
The birth of âfake newsâ as we know it [can be traced](https://www.buzzfeed.com/craigsilverman/i-helped-popularize-the-term-fake-news-and-now-i-cringe?utm_term=.aga90MEm2#.hykzOAxaL) to January of 2017, when Trump used it to dismiss tough questioning about his ties to Russia. But the political theater reached new heights in January of this year, whenâhaving parlayed [racist conspiracy theories](https://psmag.com/news/the-folly-of-calling-trump-voters-oppressed) about Americaâs first black president right into his seat at the White HouseâTrump decided he should play high judge to accuracy in reporting with his âFake News Awards.â
Vocally hyped, then subsequently delayed, then downgraded to a â[potential event](https://twitter.com/grynbaum/status/95337985145246000),â it amounted to little more than a rehash of the presidentâs old Twitter gripes. Many of the stories singled out were indeed inaccurate but had been duly corrected, with [serious repercussions](https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/26/business/3-cnn-journalists-resign-after-retracted-story-on-trump-ally.html) for journalists who erred.
If the stories had a commonality, it was how few of themâbe they about [crowd size](https://twitter.com/daveweigel/status/939619855191470081?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw&ref_url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.politifact.com%2Ftruth-o-meter%2Farticle%2F2018%2Fjan%2F18%2Ffact-checking-donald-trumps-fake-news-awards%2F) at a rally or a [handshake](http://www.newsweek.com/donald-trump-handshake-poland-president-wife-melania-trump-smack-video-watch-632808) with the Polish first ladyâcould be said to matter at all. And if they underscored anything, it was how little of the most consequential disinformation was actually disseminated by the outlets that Trump likes to attack, as well as how little of it had anything remotely to do with editorial malfeasance.
As with nearly any point in American history, the most damaging misinformation has come from the people whose power the press exists to check.
Consider how the Nixon administration misled the public around the Vietnam Warâlies paid for in the flesh and blood sacrifice of American soldiers. Then consider Trumpâs âFake News Awards,â which among other things focused on whether he had [overfed](http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/article/2017/nov/06/donald-trump-and-fish-food-dump-how-early-reports-/) some fish in Japan.
At times, the presidentâs âfake newsâ circus can feel frivolousâbut itâs not. And what his whole phony fixation with âfake newsâ threatens to distract us from is that the violence of what heâs suggesting is only just barely under the surface. He has called for the jailing of journalists and kept them cordoned off in pens during his campaign rallies. In January, when a teenager called up CNN and threatened to gun down everyone at their âfake newsâ headquarters, [nobody had to ask where heâd gotten that notion](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/jan/24/cnn-trump-brandon-griesemer).
### No One Agrees What Fake News Is (or What to Do About It)
Even the dictionary doesnât know how to define fake news. In Dictionary.comâs next update, the online reference will add a definition for âfake news,â [*Time*](http://time.com/4959488/donald-trump-fake-news-meaning/) [has reported](http://time.com/4959488/donald-trump-fake-news-meaning/), but the proposed definition ignores crucial political context, offering: âfalse news stories, often of a sensational nature, created to be widely shared online for the purpose of generating ad revenue via web traffic or discrediting a public figure, political movement, company, etc.â The move has been described as part of the dictionaryâs [commitment to neutrality](http://time.com/4959488/donald-trump-fake-news-meaning/), but itâs hard to ignore that itâs precisely the definition Trump would want in the dictionary. (In an email, Dictionary.comâs Jane Solomon tells me, âweâre closely monitoring developments in meaning of this term, and weâll make changes to our entry if thatâs where our research leads us.â)
Similarly, students at top high schools around the country have whole courses [dedicated to](http://boston.cbslocal.com/2017/10/19/fake-news-class-andover-high-school-eye-on-education/) [media](http://www.sharonherald.com/news/hermitage-students-learn-to-spot-fake-news/article_5ce1a746-fbf8-11e7-bd5e-4baed7abe7f0.html) [literacy](http://wjla.com/features/spotlight-on-education/arlington-students-use-new-digital-tool-to-spot-fake-news), so they can differentiate real news from fake news online. But who will teach them about how Trump has politicized âfake newsâ?
Perhaps itâs telling that Craig Silverman, the BuzzFeed reporter whose investigative reporting on Facebook helped ignite the conversation around âfake news,â has offered a mea culpa for his role in popularizing the term. âI should have realized that any person, idea, or phraseâhowever neutral in its intentionâcould be twisted into a partisan cudgel,â [he wrote](https://www.buzzfeed.com/craigsilverman/i-helped-popularize-the-term-fake-news-and-now-i-cringe?utm_term=.tpOO7wVR82#.rpd8qX19B2).
Thatâs why some critics, like [Claire Wardle](https://firstdraftnews.org/author/cwardle/)âa research fellow running [First Draft](https://firstdraftnews.org/fd-shorenstein/), a project of the Shorenstein Center at Harvard Universityâs Kennedy Schoolâhave abandoned the term âfake newsâ entirely, even as she strives to tackle the real problems of information pollution online.
âThe reason I donât like the phrase now is itâs used as a term to describe everything,â Wardle [told the BBC](http://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-trending-42724320). In a widely shared 2017 paper for the Council of Europe, â[Information Disorder](https://rm.coe.int/information-disorder-toward-an-interdisciplinary-framework-for-researc/168076277c),â Wardle and her team lay out some more precise terms, which account for the intent of the speaker or author in differentiating between âmis-information,â âdis-information,â and âmal-information.â They also offer suggestions for how technology companies, government actors, and others can work toward solutions.
In the short term, the outlook for solving the real problem, specifically one thatâs enabled by companies like Facebook, is grim: The [Facebook-friendly](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2017/oct/08/trump-digital-director-brad-parscale-facebook-advertising) Trump administration has already [knee-capped regulators](https://www.brookings.edu/blog/techtank/2018/01/30/the-state-of-tech-policy-one-year-into-the-trump-administration/). And thereâs little reason to think companies for whom profit is king will do all thatâs necessary to self-regulate, [though recently](https://www.buzzfeed.com/henrygomez/facebook-promised-political-advertising-changes-after-2016?utm_term=.xuvda5AonE#.qrDpkaENqV) Facebook has promised some changes.
Even on the most basic frontâdefining the terms of the âfake newsâ conversationâexperts face a wall: Few things carry farther than Trumpâs Twitter feed, after all, and the fast pace of online information makes it hard for nuanced definitions to break through.
That means even the relatively simple task of illuminating the greater issueâhow Trump is exploiting the situation to sew distrust in the institution of media, and experts everywhereâwill continue to be an [uphill battle](https://firstdraftnews.org/fake-news-complicated/).
As with anything, the first step in solving a problem is recognizing that you have oneâand false reports about fish feeding arenât it. |
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