🕷️ Crawler Inspector

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Raw Queries and Responses

1. Shard Calculation

Query:

Response:

Calculated Shard: 96 (from laksa047)

2. Crawled Status Check

Query:

curl -X POST \
  'http://laksa096.int.ahrefs:8124/' \
  -H 'Content-Type: text/plain' \
  -H 'X-ClickHouse-Database: crawler3' \
  -H 'Authorization: Basic YXBpOg==' \
  -d 'SELECT getAhrefsURLFromUnparsed(src_unparsed) AS found_url, ifNull(toUnixTimestamp(download_stamp), 0) AS crawl_time, ifNull(toUnixTimestamp(props_url_first_seen), 0) AS first_indexed_time, download_http_code AS http_code, src_unparsed AS src_unparsed, src_root_hash AS src_root_hash, history_drop_reason AS history_drop_reason, meta_title AS meta_title, meta_descriptions AS meta_descriptions, attrs_boilerpipe_text AS attrs_boilerpipe_text, attrs_markdown AS attrs_markdown, attrs_readable_markdown AS attrs_readable_markdown, meta_canonical AS meta_canonical FROM crawler3.page_info_local FINAL PREWHERE (src_root_hash, src_unparsed) IN ((getAhrefsRootHashFromUnparsed(getAhrefsUnparsedNoserviceFromURL(\'https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/06/12/britain-failed-hong-kong/\')), getAhrefsUnparsedNoserviceFromURL(\'https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/06/12/britain-failed-hong-kong/\'))) FORMAT JSONEachRow'

Response:

{"found_url":"https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/","crawl_time":1775984697,"first_indexed_time":1560369355,"http_code":200,"src_unparsed":"com,foreignpolicy!\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/ s443","src_root_hash":"6089014433239620496","history_drop_reason":null,"meta_title":"Britain Failed Hong Kong – Foreign Policy","meta_descriptions":[],"attrs_boilerpipe_text":"My FP:\nFollow topics and authors to get straight to what you like. Exclusively for FP subscribers.\nSubscribe Now\n|\nLog In\nHong Kong is awash with protest—and facing a dangerously uncertain future, as Beijing looks to extend mainland law’s grip on the territory. The region, once a rare shelter for dissenting voices in China, is seeing protections for freedom of speech stripped away one by one. That leaves Britain, once Hong Kong’s colonial master, with a particular obligation to the Hong Kongers it has let down in the past.\nIn 1984, British parliamentarians across the House of Commons were informed of the Hong Kong governor’s proposals for democratic reforms when they attended debates on the future of Hong Kong during the Anglo-Chinese negotiations. Based on these proposed reforms, parliamentarians approved the U.K. government’s intention to sign the Joint Declaration that would ensure Hong Kong’s handover to China in 1997\n.\nThese reforms never materialized, and the PRC inherited an executive-led system in Hong Kong—one that it has used to push through its own agenda, despite resistance from the Hong Kong public. Today, as a\nrecent report by the Henry Jackson Society\nI helped compile argues, Britain has both legal and moral responsibilities toward Hong Kong.","attrs_markdown":"## There appears to be a technical issue with your browser\nThis issue is preventing our website from loading properly. Please review the following [troubleshooting tips](https:\/\/help.foreignpolicy.com\/hc\/en-us\/articles\/11663073461148-Troubleshoot-technical-issues) or contact us at [\\[email protected\\]](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/cdn-cgi\/l\/email-protection#4e3d3b3e3e213c3a0e28213c2b2729203e2122272d37602d2123).\n\nClose\n\n[Skip to navigation](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/#navigation)   [Skip to search](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/#search)   [Skip to main content](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/#main)   [Skip to footer](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/#footer)\n\n![Foreign Policy](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/themes\/foreign-policy-2017\/public\/images\/logos\/FP_logo__app.png)\n\nForeign Policy   Get analysis and alerts more quickly in the mobile app.\n\n[Install](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/)\n\nShow expanded website navigation\n\n[Back to Foreign Policy Magazine home page](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/)\n\n- [Latest](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/category\/latest)\n- [Regions](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/)\n  - [Asia & the Pacific](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/projects\/asia\/)\n  - [China](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/projects\/china\/)\n  - [Middle East & Africa](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/projects\/middle-east-africa\/)\n  - [Americas](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/projects\/americas\/)\n  - [Europe](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/projects\/europe\/)\n- [Newsletters](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/)\n  [View All Newsletters](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/newsletters\/)\n- [FP Live](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/live)\n\n- [Latest](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/category\/latest\/)\n- Trending:\n- [War in the Middle East](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/projects\/iran-israel-conflict-news-nuclear-sites-proxies\/)\n- [U.S.-Iran cease-fire](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/04\/08\/us-iran-cease-fire-israel-lebanon-strait-hormuz-questions\/)\n- [Energy crisis](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/04\/08\/energy-crisis-iran-war-trump-gas-oil-strait-hormuz\/)\n\nWebsite Search and Account Management\n\n[Search this website](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/)\n\n- [Preferences](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/myfp\/)\n- [My FP Feed](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/myfp-feed\/)\n- [Saved Articles](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/saved-articles\/)\n- [Newsletters](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/newsletters\/)\n- [Magazine Archive](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/print-archive\/)\n- [Subscription Settings](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/manage\/)\n- [FAQs](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/subscription-services\/)\n- [Log Out](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/)\n\n[Sign In](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/)\n\n[Sign In](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/)\n\n[Learn about FP Group Subscriptions Learn about FP Group Subscriptions](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/group-subscriptions\/?tpcc=navbar_groups)\n\n[SUBSCRIBE SUBSCRIBE](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/subscribe\/?tpcc=navbar)   [Get a limited-edition “Soft Power” hat Get a limited-edition “Soft Power” hat](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/insider\/?tpcc=navbar_insider)\n\nShow expanded website navigation\n\nArgument:   Britain Failed Hong Kong\n\nShare\n\n- Copy Link Link copied to clipboard\n- [Email](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/cdn-cgi\/l\/email-protection#e2dd91978088878196dfa0908b96838b8cc7d0d2a4838b8e8786c7d0d2aa8d8c85c7d0d2a98d8c85c4808d869bdfb68a87c7d0d2b7cca9ccc7d0d28d958791c7d0d2aa8d8c85c7d0d2a98d8c85879091c7d0d2848b858a968b8c85c7d0d2848d90c7d0d286878f8d819083819bc7d0d283c7d0d28f8d90838ec7d0d286878096ccc7d2a6c7d2a3c7d2a6c7d2a38a96969291c7d1a3c7d0a4c7d0a4848d90878b858c928d8e8b819bcc818d8fc7d0a4d0d2d3dbc7d0a4d2d4c7d0a4d3d0c7d0a480908b96838b8ccf84838b8e8786cf8a8d8c85cf898d8c85c7d0a4)\n- [Facebook]()\n- [Bluesky]()\n- [X]()\n- [LinkedIn]()\n- [WhatsApp]()\n- [Reddit]()\n\n[Save](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/) [Save](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/#fn:1)\n\n1. 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All contents (c) 2026, Graham Digital Holding Company. All rights reserved. Foreign Policy, 1099 14th St NW, Suite 500 East, Washington, D.C., 20005.\n\nPowered by [WordPress VIP](https:\/\/wpvip.com\/?utm_source=vip_powered_wpcom&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=VIP%20Footer%20Credit&utm_term=foreignpolicy.com)\n\nThis article was published more than **6 years ago**\n\n[Argument](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/category\/analysis\/argument\/)\n\nAn expert’s point of view on a current event.\n# Britain Failed Hong Kong\n## The U.K. owes Hong Kongers fighting for democracy a moral debt.\nBy [**Milia Hau**](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/milia-hau\/)\n\n![Demonstrators take a rest the night after a protest against a controversial extradition law proposal in Hong Kong on June 12, 2019.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/06\/GettyImages-1149495437.jpg?quality=90)\n\nDemonstrators take a rest the night after a protest against a controversial extradition law proposal in Hong Kong on June 12, 2019.\n\nDemonstrators take a rest the night after a protest against a controversial extradition law proposal in Hong Kong on June 12, 2019. Hector Retamal\/AFP\/Getty Images\n\n[My FP:](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/myfp) Follow topics and authors to get straight to what you like. Exclusively for FP subscribers. [Subscribe Now](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/) \\| [Log In](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/)\n\n- China\n- Hong Kong\n\nJune 12, 2019, 3:53 PM\n\nHong Kong is awash with protest—and facing a dangerously uncertain future, as Beijing looks to extend mainland law’s grip on the territory. The region, once a rare shelter for dissenting voices in China, is seeing protections for freedom of speech stripped away one by one. That leaves Britain, once Hong Kong’s colonial master, with a particular obligation to the Hong Kongers it has let down in the past.\n\nIn 1984, British parliamentarians across the House of Commons were informed of the Hong Kong governor’s proposals for democratic reforms when they attended debates on the future of Hong Kong during the Anglo-Chinese negotiations. Based on these proposed reforms, parliamentarians approved the U.K. government’s intention to sign the Joint Declaration that would ensure Hong Kong’s handover to China in 1997*.* These reforms never materialized, and the PRC inherited an executive-led system in Hong Kong—one that it has used to push through its own agenda, despite resistance from the Hong Kong public. Today, as a [recent report by the Henry Jackson Society](https:\/\/henryjacksonsociety.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/06\/HJS-Hong-Kong-%25C2%25AD-The-Steady-Erosion-of-Freedoms-Report-web.pdf) I helped compile argues, Britain has both legal and moral responsibilities toward Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong is awash with protest—and facing a dangerously uncertain future, as Beijing looks to extend mainland law’s grip on the territory. The region, once a rare shelter for dissenting voices in China, is seeing protections for freedom of speech stripped away one by one. That leaves Britain, once Hong Kong’s colonial master, with a particular obligation to the Hong Kongers it has let down in the past.\n\nIn 1984, British parliamentarians across the House of Commons were informed of the Hong Kong governor’s proposals for democratic reforms when they attended debates on the future of Hong Kong during the Anglo-Chinese negotiations. Based on these proposed reforms, parliamentarians approved the U.K. government’s intention to sign the Joint Declaration that would ensure Hong Kong’s handover to China in 1997*.* These reforms never materialized, and the PRC inherited an executive-led system in Hong Kong—one that it has used to push through its own agenda, despite resistance from the Hong Kong public. Today, as a [recent report by the Henry Jackson Society](https:\/\/henryjacksonsociety.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/06\/HJS-Hong-Kong-%25C2%25AD-The-Steady-Erosion-of-Freedoms-Report-web.pdf) I helped compile argues, Britain has both legal and moral responsibilities toward Hong Kong.\n\nThe legal obligations come because the United Kingdom is one of the two signatories of the Joint Declaration, an international agreement registered at the United Nations, which promises the ways of life in Hong Kong—including the freedom of expression, guarantee of human rights, and rule of law—would be unchanged for 50 years, until 2047, under the principle of “one country, two systems.” The moral obligations, because Britain handed over the whole of Hong Kong: not only the New Territories that were leased from the Qing empire for 99 years, but also Hong Kong Island and the Kowloon Peninsula, which were permanent British territories. Along with them came all the people, subjects of the Queen who called Hong Kong their home. Some of these people were refugees who risked their lives to escape Communist rule in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). That puts a particular burden on Britain to back democracy in Hong Kong—or, more practically, to support the rights of individual Hong Kongers.\n\nAlthough the United Kingdom bears the heaviest burden of responsibility, the handover would not have been possible without some kind of international consensus. At the time of the negotiations over the future of Hong Kong, some in the West supported a handover of Hong Kong because of Britain’s imperial rule, and because Hong Kongers’ ethnic heritage was put over their beliefs and values. Anti-imperialists in the West failed to realize that to many Hong Kongers, being a British subject was preferable to being a subject of the Chinese Communist Party.\n\nMore critically, in those days, it was popular to think that ideas about individual liberty, democracy, and human rights would spread from Hong Kong to other parts of China after the 1997 handover.\n\n> More critically, in those days, it was popular to think that ideas about individual liberty, democracy, and human rights would spread from Hong Kong to other parts of China after the 1997 handover.\n\nThere was a strand of thinking in the West that as China became more prosperous, a higher level of economic prosperity would translate into greater individual freedoms and democratic developments. After the Tiananmen Square massacre, it was clear to many that this was unlikely to be the case (although, bizarrely, that optimism returned in the 2000s). After 1989, English-speaking countries partially opened their doors to those who were lucky enough to be able to afford emigration from Hong Kong; Britain had an oversubscribed scheme to offer citizenship to 50,000 Hong Kongers in 1990. Between 1984 and 1997, 10 percent of the population of Hong Kong emigrated.\n\n> More critically, in those days, it was popular to think that ideas about individual liberty, democracy, and human rights would spread from Hong Kong to other parts of China after the 1997 handover.\n\nHong Kongers do not see themselves as citizens of the PRC, as surveys by the Public Opinion Programme at the University of Hong Kong have repeatedly shown, but put local identity first. However, their ability to defend their identity and to aspire to democracy has been crippled by the dominance of Beijing. Rather than having any avenues for potential policy change, like citizens in a democracy, Hong Kongers’ efforts have only enabled them to delay policies that officials in Hong Kong or Beijing are determined to implement.\n\nThis has been the case since the [demonstrations](https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2017\/11\/26\/opinion\/china-train-hong-kong.html) against the introduction of the national security bill, seen as a weapon against dissent, under Article 23 in the Basic Law back in 2003. It was delayed then, but issues that infringed on the principles of “one country, two systems” and “Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong”—which are the foundation of the Joint Declaration—kept coming back, from introducing compulsory PRC national education in schools to “one location, two checkpoints” customs and immigration arrangements, which allow PRC security officers to exercise PRC law at the high-speed train terminus in the heart of the city.\n\nHong Kong is not a democracy. It is led by Chief Executive Carrie Lam, who, like her predecessors, was prescreened by a nominating committee before being elected by a 1,200-member electoral college of the city’s political elite, then appointed by [Central People’s Government](https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Central_People%2527s_Government) on the basis that she is “a person who loves the motherland and Hong Kong.” The fundamental problem, then, is that the government of Hong Kong is not accountable to the people of Hong Kong. It responds to the wishes of Chinese Communist Party officials in Beijing.\n\nThe Umbrella Movement five years ago aimed to achieve genuine universal suffrage in choosing the chief executive is chosen, but failed to secure any changes. Hong Kong is a rare example of an area with a largely liberal population, yet with an undemocratic system. The United Kingdom had a window to change that before 1984. Having failed to do so, it has greater obligations now.\n\nThe questions on the rights of Hong Kongers born under British rule, the “British nationals (overseas),” is a particularly tricky policy issue. Today, [more than half of young people in Hong Kong](https:\/\/www.cpr.cuhk.edu.hk\/en\/press_detail.php?id=2947&t=survey-findings-on-views-on-emigration-from-hong-kong-released-by-hong-kong-institute-of-asia-pacific-studies-at-cuhk&id=2947&t=survey-findings-on-views-on-emigration-from-hong-kong-released-by-hong-kong-institute-of-asia-pacific-studies-at-cuhk) wish to seek a better and freer life elsewhere.\n\nNaturally and understandably, British nationals (overseas) want British citizenship. In a United Kingdom already torn by immigration issues, handing citizenship to hundreds of thousands of people, however strong the moral case, is a political impossibility. There are, however, intermediate steps that can provide real aid for Hong Kongers. Britain should prioritize asylum applications from Hong Kongers who face political persecution. Pro-independence activists Ray Wong and Alan Li, likely the first political asylum seekers from Hong Kong, were born as British subjects. Now in Germany, they [faced persecution](https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2019\/05\/21\/world\/asia\/hong-kong-china-germany-activists.html) in Hong Kong due to their pro-democracy activism.\n\n## Read More\n- [![A wide view shows players from two teams playing on a basketball court with a crowd of thousands of people in the surrounding arena seating. A jumbotron with a video of the game hangs overhead.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/GettyImages-2240220872.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/10\/14\/nba-china-macau-games-adelson-hong-kong-morey\/)\n  \n  A wide view shows players from two teams playing on a basketball court with a crowd of thousands of people in the surrounding arena seating. A jumbotron with a video of the game hangs overhead.\n  \n  [The NBA’s Long Road Back to China](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/10\/14\/nba-china-macau-games-adelson-hong-kong-morey\/)\n  \n  A soft-power breakthrough amid an escalating hard-power rivalry.\n  \n  [Analysis](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/channel\/analysis\/)\n  \n  \\|\n  \n  [Rishi Iyengar](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/rishi-iyengar\/)\n- [![Hong Kong’s Star Ferry](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/Hong-Kong-Star-Ferry-GettyImages-1216515049.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/06\/29\/hong-kong-national-security-law-china-protests-oppression\/)\n  \n  Hong Kong’s Star Ferry\n  \n  [How China’s Crackdown Has Reshaped Hong Kong](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/06\/29\/hong-kong-national-security-law-china-protests-oppression\/)\n  \n  Inside life in the city five years after its national security law went into effect.\n  \n  [The Reading List](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/category\/the-reading-list\/)\n  \n  \\|\n  \n  [Chloe Hadavas](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/chloe-hadavas\/)\n- [![The book cover for You Must Take Part in Revolution](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/You-Must-Take-Part-in-Revolution-book.png?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/04\/04\/hong-kong-revolution-graphic-novel-protest\/)\n  \n  The book cover for You Must Take Part in Revolution\n  \n  [Hong Kong’s Warning Signs for America](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/04\/04\/hong-kong-revolution-graphic-novel-protest\/)\n  \n  A graphic novel plays out a nightmarish scenario of authoritarianism in the hopes of waking us up.\n  \n  [Review](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/category\/review\/)\n  \n  \\|\n  \n  [Lili Pike](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/lili-pike\/)\n\nWong led Hong Kong Indigenous, a group that sought to defend Hong Kong’s identity and raised proposals of a Hong Kong independent from China, and Li was a member of the group. They are wanted by the Hong Kong authorities on charges of rioting at a 2016 clash between protesters and police officers under the [Public Order Ordinance](https:\/\/blogs.spectator.co.uk\/2019\/06\/hong-kongs-first-political-asylum-seekers\/), which is another legacy of British rule in Hong Kong. Wong commented that he would not enjoy refugee protection by Germany if the German government did not think that “Hong Kong uses the judiciary to persecute Hong Kong people.”\n\nOne minor policy adjustment that the United Kingdom could make is to lower the requirements for British nationals (overseas) to permanently reside in Britain, putting them in line with the current requirements for EU nationals. British nationals (overseas) are currently subjected to the same immigration restrictions that apply to other nationals outside the European Economic Area. An EU citizen who completed her three-year undergraduate studies and works for two years currently qualifies for indefinite leave to remain in Britain, and can apply for British citizenship a year after acquiring that status. A British national from Hong Kong who has spent exactly the same amount of time residing legally in the United Kingdom and paying taxes does not get this benefit.\n\nBritain must take a leading role internationally and communicate the case for Hong Kong clearly, bilaterally with like-minded free countries, and multilaterally in organizations such as the Commonwealth and the United Nations. Britain needs to show it cares and that it is serious about Hong Kong, beyond the routine exercise of six-monthly reports and responding to occasional debates and questions in the chamber of the House of Commons. The [joint statement](https:\/\/www.gov.uk\/government\/news\/uk-and-canada-joint-statement-on-hong-kong) by U.K. Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt and Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland on the proposed extradition law changes in Hong Kong was a healthy sign of renewed and refreshed policy. Britain must step up this effort to truly become “[an invisible chain linking the world’s democracies](https:\/\/www.gov.uk\/government\/speeches\/an-invisible-chain-speech-by-the-foreign-secretary),” because that is the right thing to do—and because if not us, then who?\n\n**Milia Hau** is a British foreign-policy researcher with a keen interest in the Indo-Pacific. She was formerly a research assistant at the Henry Jackson Society, where she worked on a number of issues relating to Asia, and is one of the authors of the latest [report on Hong Kong](https:\/\/henryjacksonsociety.org\/publications\/hong-kong-the-steady-erosion-of-freedom\/).\n\nRead More On  [Britain](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/tag\/britain\/) \\| [China](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/tag\/china\/) \\| [Hong Kong](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/tag\/hong-kong\/)\n\n### OTHER SUBSCRIPTION OPTIONS\n#### [Academic Rates](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/subscribe-academic\/?tpcc=hardwall_academic)\n[Specialty rates for students and faculty.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/subscribe-academic\/?tpcc=hardwall_academic)\n\n#### [Multi-year](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/multi-year\/?tpcc=hardwall_multiyear)\n[Lock in your rates for longer.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/multi-year\/?tpcc=hardwall_multiyear)\n\n#### [Groups](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/group-subscriptions\/?tpcc=hardwall_groups)\n[Equip your organization with powerful global intelligence.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/group-subscriptions\/?tpcc=hardwall_groups)\n\n## Stories Readers Liked\n- Go to slide 1\n- Go to slide 2\n- Go to slide 3\n- Go to slide 4\n- Go to slide 5\n- Go to slide 6\n- Go to slide 7\n- Go to slide 8\n- Go to slide 9\n- Go to slide 10\n\n- [![An illustration with a world map background texture and fire cutting through three rings in the map with three human figures inside.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/03\/1-world-after-trump-brian-stauffer-illustration.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/03\/23\/post-trump-world-order-cold-war-spheres-of-influence\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  An illustration with a world map background texture and fire cutting through three rings in the map with three human figures inside.\n  \n  [Three Scenarios for a Post-Trump World ![This article has an audio recording](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/themes\/foreign-policy-2017\/assets\/src\/images\/icons\/audio.svg)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/03\/23\/post-trump-world-order-cold-war-spheres-of-influence\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  By  [Hal Brands](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/hal-brands\/)\n- [![An illustration shows semiconductor chips structured like a house of cards with a tiny city with government buildings atop it, ready to topple.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/03\/1-AI-doomsday-house-of-cards-doug-chayka-illustration.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/03\/24\/ai-artificial-intelligence-doomsday-iran-war\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  An illustration shows semiconductor chips structured like a house of cards with a tiny city with government buildings atop it, ready to topple.\n  \n  [As an AI Scholar, I Am Now Putting a High Probability on an AI Doomsday ![This article has an audio recording](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/themes\/foreign-policy-2017\/assets\/src\/images\/icons\/audio.svg)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/03\/24\/ai-artificial-intelligence-doomsday-iran-war\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  By  [Bhaskar Chakravorti](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/bhaskar-chakravorti\/)\n- [![Two dozen or so scattered pedestrians walking on a large plaza are seen from overhead. There is a giant world map embedded in the pavement, with China highlighted in a dark red and all the other countries in pale gray.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/03\/china-map-GettyImages-2262840218.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/03\/25\/china-us-russia-sphere-influence-geopolitics-competition\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  Two dozen or so scattered pedestrians walking on a large plaza are seen from overhead. There is a giant world map embedded in the pavement, with China highlighted in a dark red and all the other countries in pale gray.\n  \n  [No, China Doesn’t Want Spheres of Influence ![This article has an audio recording](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/themes\/foreign-policy-2017\/assets\/src\/images\/icons\/audio.svg)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/03\/25\/china-us-russia-sphere-influence-geopolitics-competition\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  By  [Aaron Glasserman](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/aaron-glasserman\/)\n- [![A photo illustration shows fractured colored shard revealing images of nation states in decline: an upside down U.S. Capitol building, the EU building in Brussels, broken columns, part of Donald Trump's head, explosions in the Middle East, and a tank in Ukraine.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/03\/1-doomsday-books-nation-state-illustration-2188671579.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/03\/27\/book-review-after-nations-dasgupta-westad-prasad-milanovic\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  A photo illustration shows fractured colored shard revealing images of nation states in decline: an upside down U.S. Capitol building, the EU building in Brussels, broken columns, part of Donald Trump's head, explosions in the Middle East, and a tank in Ukraine.\n  \n  [After the Nation-State](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/03\/27\/book-review-after-nations-dasgupta-westad-prasad-milanovic\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  By  [Michael Hirsh](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/michael-hirsh\/)\n- [![A photo illustration showing six classical Greek or Roman-style columns, plus a stack of televisions as the seventh pillar of populism. The TVs show images of Victor Orban, Narendra Modi, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Donald Trump.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/02\/1-trump-orban-modi-erdogan-Pillars-populism-2026.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/02\/19\/trump-erdogan-orban-modi-india-hungary-turkey-populism-corruptionthe-seven-pillars-of-populist-foreign-policy\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  A photo illustration showing six classical Greek or Roman-style columns, plus a stack of televisions as the seventh pillar of populism. 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Walt](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/stephen-m-walt\/)\n- [![An illustration shows two men against a bright yellow background. One man wears a Western-style business suit and the other wears a black robe and white head covering. The men are shaking hands. Each holds a briefcase with money spilling out, the left man's briefcase shaped like the United States' and the right man's like the Arabian Peninsula.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/1-instrumental-capital-sovereign-wealth-sebastien-thibault.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/12\/03\/instrumental-capital-sovereign-wealth-funds-gulf\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  An illustration shows two men against a bright yellow background. One man wears a Western-style business suit and the other wears a black robe and white head covering. The men are shaking hands. Each holds a briefcase with money spilling out, the left man's briefcase shaped like the United States' and the right man's like the Arabian Peninsula.\n  \n  [The New Wealth of Nations ![This article has an audio recording](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/themes\/foreign-policy-2017\/assets\/src\/images\/icons\/audio.svg)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/12\/03\/instrumental-capital-sovereign-wealth-funds-gulf\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  By  [Jared Cohen](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/jared-cohen\/),  [George Lee](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/george-lee\/)\n- [![A man in a coat outside of a glass office building, with high rise buildings under construction in the background.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/China-tech-dragon-development-tech-GettyImages-2187442299.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/10\/10\/china-tech-ai-innovation-economy-stagnation\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  A man in a coat outside of a glass office building, with high rise buildings under construction in the background.\n  \n  [China’s Tech Obsession Is Weighing Down Its Economy](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/10\/10\/china-tech-ai-innovation-economy-stagnation\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  By  [Scott Kennedy](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/scott-kennedy\/),  [Scott Rozelle](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/scott-rozelle\/)\n- [![Photos of two men speaking each shown as a negative color inside a red and blue circle.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Kissinger-brzezinski-realism-foreign-policy-illustratrion.png?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/08\/01\/kissinger-brzezinski-trump-realism-realist-democracy-human-rights-us\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  Photos of two men speaking each shown as a negative color inside a red and blue circle.\n  \n  [Kissinger, Brzezinski, and the Promise of Realism ![This article has an audio recording](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/themes\/foreign-policy-2017\/assets\/src\/images\/icons\/audio.svg)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2025\/08\/01\/kissinger-brzezinski-trump-realism-realist-democracy-human-rights-us\/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524)\n  \n  By  [Daniel Fried](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/daniel-fried\/)\n\n## Iran War\n- [![Missiles are seen in the skies over Doha on March 3.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/GettyImages-2263948504.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/04\/07\/iran-united-states-gulf-uae-qatar-bahrain-saudi-oman-war\/?tpcc=recirc_featured_horizontal051524)\n  \n  Missiles are seen in the skies over Doha on March 3.\n  \n  [The Gulf’s Wartime Unity Is Unraveling ![This article has an audio recording](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/themes\/foreign-policy-2017\/assets\/src\/images\/icons\/audio.svg)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/04\/07\/iran-united-states-gulf-uae-qatar-bahrain-saudi-oman-war\/?tpcc=recirc_featured_horizontal051524)\n  \n  [Analysis](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/channel\/analysis\/)\n  \n  \\|\n  \n  [Omar H. Rahman](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/omar-h-rahman\/)\n- [![A billboard displaying pictures of nuclear scientists, centrifuges and a sentence reading in Farsi: \" Science is the power\", at the Enqelab square in Tehran, on August 29, 2025.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/iran-bomb-nuclear-trump-war-ayatollah-khamenei-2231892170.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/04\/07\/iran-bomb-nuclear-trump-war-ayatollah-khamenei\/?tpcc=recirc_featured_horizontal051524)\n  \n  A billboard displaying pictures of nuclear scientists, centrifuges and a sentence reading in Farsi: \" Science is the power\", at the Enqelab square in Tehran, on August 29, 2025.\n  \n  [Preventing an Iranian Bomb Is Only Getting Harder](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/04\/07\/iran-bomb-nuclear-trump-war-ayatollah-khamenei\/?tpcc=recirc_featured_horizontal051524)\n  \n  [Argument](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/category\/analysis\/argument\/)\n  \n  \\|\n  \n  [Eric Brewer](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/eric-brewer\/)\n- [![The Albina Bulk carrier sits anchored on March 22, 2026 at Sultan Qaboos Port in Muscat, Oman.](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/GettyImages-2267954580.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/04\/07\/iran-war-hormuz-toll-booth-peace\/?tpcc=recirc_featured_horizontal051524)\n  \n  The Albina Bulk carrier sits anchored on March 22, 2026 at Sultan Qaboos Port in Muscat, Oman.\n  \n  [The War Will End With a Hormuz Toll Booth](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/04\/07\/iran-war-hormuz-toll-booth-peace\/?tpcc=recirc_featured_horizontal051524)\n  \n  [Analysis](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/channel\/analysis\/)\n  \n  \\|\n  \n  [Amir Handjani](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/amir-handjani\/)\n\n## Trending\n- [The Man Who Shaped Washington’s View of the Middle East ![This article has an audio recording](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/wp-content\/themes\/foreign-policy-2017\/assets\/src\/images\/icons\/audio.svg)](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/04\/09\/brett-mcgurk-middle-east-israel-gaza-iran\/?tpcc=recirc_right_rail051524)\n  \n  By  [Dion Nissenbaum](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/author\/dion-nissenbaum\/)\n- [Where Do the Gulf States Go From Here?](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2026\/04\/10\/gulf-states-iran-war-united-arab-emirates-saudi-arabia-qatar-strikes-us-israel\/?tpcc=recirc_right_rail051524)\n  \n  By  [Steven A. 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All contents (c) 2026, Graham Digital Holding Company. All rights reserved. Foreign Policy, 1099 14th St NW, Suite 500 East, Washington, D.C., 20005.\n\nPowered by [WordPress VIP](https:\/\/wpvip.com\/?utm_source=vip_powered_wpcom&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=VIP%20Footer%20Credit&utm_term=foreignpolicy.com)\n\n![](https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/tr?id=203988873637408&ev=PageView&noscript=1)\n\n![Quantcast](https:\/\/pixel.quantserve.com\/pixel\/p-FtKjv2mvnYjUe.gif)","attrs_readable_markdown":"[My FP:](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/myfp) Follow topics and authors to get straight to what you like. Exclusively for FP subscribers. [Subscribe Now](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/) \\| [Log In](https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2019\/06\/12\/britain-failed-hong-kong\/)\n\nHong Kong is awash with protest—and facing a dangerously uncertain future, as Beijing looks to extend mainland law’s grip on the territory. The region, once a rare shelter for dissenting voices in China, is seeing protections for freedom of speech stripped away one by one. That leaves Britain, once Hong Kong’s colonial master, with a particular obligation to the Hong Kongers it has let down in the past.\n\nIn 1984, British parliamentarians across the House of Commons were informed of the Hong Kong governor’s proposals for democratic reforms when they attended debates on the future of Hong Kong during the Anglo-Chinese negotiations. Based on these proposed reforms, parliamentarians approved the U.K. government’s intention to sign the Joint Declaration that would ensure Hong Kong’s handover to China in 1997*.* These reforms never materialized, and the PRC inherited an executive-led system in Hong Kong—one that it has used to push through its own agenda, despite resistance from the Hong Kong public. Today, as a [recent report by the Henry Jackson Society](https:\/\/henryjacksonsociety.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/06\/HJS-Hong-Kong-%25C2%25AD-The-Steady-Erosion-of-Freedoms-Report-web.pdf) I helped compile argues, Britain has both legal and moral responsibilities toward Hong Kong.","meta_canonical":null}

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Boilerpipe Text	My FP: Follow topics and authors to get straight to what you like. Exclusively for FP subscribers. Subscribe Now \| Log In Hong Kong is awash with protest—and facing a dangerously uncertain future, as Beijing looks to extend mainland law’s grip on the territory. The region, once a rare shelter for dissenting voices in China, is seeing protections for freedom of speech stripped away one by one. That leaves Britain, once Hong Kong’s colonial master, with a particular obligation to the Hong Kongers it has let down in the past. In 1984, British parliamentarians across the House of Commons were informed of the Hong Kong governor’s proposals for democratic reforms when they attended debates on the future of Hong Kong during the Anglo-Chinese negotiations. Based on these proposed reforms, parliamentarians approved the U.K. government’s intention to sign the Joint Declaration that would ensure Hong Kong’s handover to China in 1997 . These reforms never materialized, and the PRC inherited an executive-led system in Hong Kong—one that it has used to push through its own agenda, despite resistance from the Hong Kong public. Today, as a recent report by the Henry Jackson Society I helped compile argues, Britain has both legal and moral responsibilities toward Hong Kong.
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All contents (c) 2026, Graham Digital Holding Company. All rights reserved. Foreign Policy, 1099 14th St NW, Suite 500 East, Washington, D.C., 20005. Powered by [WordPress VIP](https://wpvip.com/?utm_source=vip_powered_wpcom&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=VIP%20Footer%20Credit&utm_term=foreignpolicy.com) This article was published more than 6 years ago [Argument](https://foreignpolicy.com/category/analysis/argument/) An expert’s point of view on a current event. # Britain Failed Hong Kong ## The U.K. owes Hong Kongers fighting for democracy a moral debt. By [Milia Hau](https://foreignpolicy.com/author/milia-hau/) ![Demonstrators take a rest the night after a protest against a controversial extradition law proposal in Hong Kong on June 12, 2019.](https://foreignpolicy.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GettyImages-1149495437.jpg?quality=90) Demonstrators take a rest the night after a protest against a controversial extradition law proposal in Hong Kong on June 12, 2019. Demonstrators take a rest the night after a protest against a controversial extradition law proposal in Hong Kong on June 12, 2019. Hector Retamal/AFP/Getty Images [My FP:](https://foreignpolicy.com/myfp) Follow topics and authors to get straight to what you like. Exclusively for FP subscribers. [Subscribe Now](https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/06/12/britain-failed-hong-kong/) \\| [Log In](https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/06/12/britain-failed-hong-kong/) - China - Hong Kong June 12, 2019, 3:53 PM Hong Kong is awash with protest—and facing a dangerously uncertain future, as Beijing looks to extend mainland law’s grip on the territory. The region, once a rare shelter for dissenting voices in China, is seeing protections for freedom of speech stripped away one by one. That leaves Britain, once Hong Kong’s colonial master, with a particular obligation to the Hong Kongers it has let down in the past. In 1984, British parliamentarians across the House of Commons were informed of the Hong Kong governor’s proposals for democratic reforms when they attended debates on the future of Hong Kong during the Anglo-Chinese negotiations. Based on these proposed reforms, parliamentarians approved the U.K. government’s intention to sign the Joint Declaration that would ensure Hong Kong’s handover to China in 1997. These reforms never materialized, and the PRC inherited an executive-led system in Hong Kong—one that it has used to push through its own agenda, despite resistance from the Hong Kong public. Today, as a [recent report by the Henry Jackson Society](https://henryjacksonsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/HJS-Hong-Kong-%25C2%25AD-The-Steady-Erosion-of-Freedoms-Report-web.pdf) I helped compile argues, Britain has both legal and moral responsibilities toward Hong Kong. Hong Kong is awash with protest—and facing a dangerously uncertain future, as Beijing looks to extend mainland law’s grip on the territory. The region, once a rare shelter for dissenting voices in China, is seeing protections for freedom of speech stripped away one by one. That leaves Britain, once Hong Kong’s colonial master, with a particular obligation to the Hong Kongers it has let down in the past. In 1984, British parliamentarians across the House of Commons were informed of the Hong Kong governor’s proposals for democratic reforms when they attended debates on the future of Hong Kong during the Anglo-Chinese negotiations. Based on these proposed reforms, parliamentarians approved the U.K. government’s intention to sign the Joint Declaration that would ensure Hong Kong’s handover to China in 1997. These reforms never materialized, and the PRC inherited an executive-led system in Hong Kong—one that it has used to push through its own agenda, despite resistance from the Hong Kong public. Today, as a [recent report by the Henry Jackson Society](https://henryjacksonsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/HJS-Hong-Kong-%25C2%25AD-The-Steady-Erosion-of-Freedoms-Report-web.pdf) I helped compile argues, Britain has both legal and moral responsibilities toward Hong Kong. The legal obligations come because the United Kingdom is one of the two signatories of the Joint Declaration, an international agreement registered at the United Nations, which promises the ways of life in Hong Kong—including the freedom of expression, guarantee of human rights, and rule of law—would be unchanged for 50 years, until 2047, under the principle of “one country, two systems.” The moral obligations, because Britain handed over the whole of Hong Kong: not only the New Territories that were leased from the Qing empire for 99 years, but also Hong Kong Island and the Kowloon Peninsula, which were permanent British territories. Along with them came all the people, subjects of the Queen who called Hong Kong their home. Some of these people were refugees who risked their lives to escape Communist rule in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). That puts a particular burden on Britain to back democracy in Hong Kong—or, more practically, to support the rights of individual Hong Kongers. Although the United Kingdom bears the heaviest burden of responsibility, the handover would not have been possible without some kind of international consensus. At the time of the negotiations over the future of Hong Kong, some in the West supported a handover of Hong Kong because of Britain’s imperial rule, and because Hong Kongers’ ethnic heritage was put over their beliefs and values. Anti-imperialists in the West failed to realize that to many Hong Kongers, being a British subject was preferable to being a subject of the Chinese Communist Party. More critically, in those days, it was popular to think that ideas about individual liberty, democracy, and human rights would spread from Hong Kong to other parts of China after the 1997 handover. > More critically, in those days, it was popular to think that ideas about individual liberty, democracy, and human rights would spread from Hong Kong to other parts of China after the 1997 handover. There was a strand of thinking in the West that as China became more prosperous, a higher level of economic prosperity would translate into greater individual freedoms and democratic developments. After the Tiananmen Square massacre, it was clear to many that this was unlikely to be the case (although, bizarrely, that optimism returned in the 2000s). After 1989, English-speaking countries partially opened their doors to those who were lucky enough to be able to afford emigration from Hong Kong; Britain had an oversubscribed scheme to offer citizenship to 50,000 Hong Kongers in 1990. Between 1984 and 1997, 10 percent of the population of Hong Kong emigrated. > More critically, in those days, it was popular to think that ideas about individual liberty, democracy, and human rights would spread from Hong Kong to other parts of China after the 1997 handover. Hong Kongers do not see themselves as citizens of the PRC, as surveys by the Public Opinion Programme at the University of Hong Kong have repeatedly shown, but put local identity first. However, their ability to defend their identity and to aspire to democracy has been crippled by the dominance of Beijing. Rather than having any avenues for potential policy change, like citizens in a democracy, Hong Kongers’ efforts have only enabled them to delay policies that officials in Hong Kong or Beijing are determined to implement. This has been the case since the [demonstrations](https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/26/opinion/china-train-hong-kong.html) against the introduction of the national security bill, seen as a weapon against dissent, under Article 23 in the Basic Law back in 2003. It was delayed then, but issues that infringed on the principles of “one country, two systems” and “Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong”—which are the foundation of the Joint Declaration—kept coming back, from introducing compulsory PRC national education in schools to “one location, two checkpoints” customs and immigration arrangements, which allow PRC security officers to exercise PRC law at the high-speed train terminus in the heart of the city. Hong Kong is not a democracy. It is led by Chief Executive Carrie Lam, who, like her predecessors, was prescreened by a nominating committee before being elected by a 1,200-member electoral college of the city’s political elite, then appointed by [Central People’s Government](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central_People%2527s_Government) on the basis that she is “a person who loves the motherland and Hong Kong.” The fundamental problem, then, is that the government of Hong Kong is not accountable to the people of Hong Kong. It responds to the wishes of Chinese Communist Party officials in Beijing. The Umbrella Movement five years ago aimed to achieve genuine universal suffrage in choosing the chief executive is chosen, but failed to secure any changes. Hong Kong is a rare example of an area with a largely liberal population, yet with an undemocratic system. The United Kingdom had a window to change that before 1984. Having failed to do so, it has greater obligations now. The questions on the rights of Hong Kongers born under British rule, the “British nationals (overseas),” is a particularly tricky policy issue. Today, [more than half of young people in Hong Kong](https://www.cpr.cuhk.edu.hk/en/press_detail.php?id=2947&t=survey-findings-on-views-on-emigration-from-hong-kong-released-by-hong-kong-institute-of-asia-pacific-studies-at-cuhk&id=2947&t=survey-findings-on-views-on-emigration-from-hong-kong-released-by-hong-kong-institute-of-asia-pacific-studies-at-cuhk) wish to seek a better and freer life elsewhere. Naturally and understandably, British nationals (overseas) want British citizenship. In a United Kingdom already torn by immigration issues, handing citizenship to hundreds of thousands of people, however strong the moral case, is a political impossibility. There are, however, intermediate steps that can provide real aid for Hong Kongers. Britain should prioritize asylum applications from Hong Kongers who face political persecution. Pro-independence activists Ray Wong and Alan Li, likely the first political asylum seekers from Hong Kong, were born as British subjects. Now in Germany, they [faced persecution](https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/21/world/asia/hong-kong-china-germany-activists.html) in Hong Kong due to their pro-democracy activism. ## Read More - [![A wide view shows players from two teams playing on a basketball court with a crowd of thousands of people in the surrounding arena seating. A jumbotron with a video of the game hangs overhead.](https://foreignpolicy.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/GettyImages-2240220872.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https://foreignpolicy.com/2025/10/14/nba-china-macau-games-adelson-hong-kong-morey/) A wide view shows players from two teams playing on a basketball court with a crowd of thousands of people in the surrounding arena seating. A jumbotron with a video of the game hangs overhead. [The NBA’s Long Road Back to China](https://foreignpolicy.com/2025/10/14/nba-china-macau-games-adelson-hong-kong-morey/) A soft-power breakthrough amid an escalating hard-power rivalry. [Analysis](https://foreignpolicy.com/channel/analysis/) \\| [Rishi Iyengar](https://foreignpolicy.com/author/rishi-iyengar/) - [![Hong Kong’s Star Ferry](https://foreignpolicy.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Hong-Kong-Star-Ferry-GettyImages-1216515049.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https://foreignpolicy.com/2025/06/29/hong-kong-national-security-law-china-protests-oppression/) Hong Kong’s Star Ferry [How China’s Crackdown Has Reshaped Hong Kong](https://foreignpolicy.com/2025/06/29/hong-kong-national-security-law-china-protests-oppression/) Inside life in the city five years after its national security law went into effect. [The Reading List](https://foreignpolicy.com/category/the-reading-list/) \\| [Chloe Hadavas](https://foreignpolicy.com/author/chloe-hadavas/) - [![The book cover for You Must Take Part in Revolution](https://foreignpolicy.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/You-Must-Take-Part-in-Revolution-book.png?w=800&quality=80)](https://foreignpolicy.com/2025/04/04/hong-kong-revolution-graphic-novel-protest/) The book cover for You Must Take Part in Revolution [Hong Kong’s Warning Signs for America](https://foreignpolicy.com/2025/04/04/hong-kong-revolution-graphic-novel-protest/) A graphic novel plays out a nightmarish scenario of authoritarianism in the hopes of waking us up. [Review](https://foreignpolicy.com/category/review/) \\| [Lili Pike](https://foreignpolicy.com/author/lili-pike/) Wong led Hong Kong Indigenous, a group that sought to defend Hong Kong’s identity and raised proposals of a Hong Kong independent from China, and Li was a member of the group. They are wanted by the Hong Kong authorities on charges of rioting at a 2016 clash between protesters and police officers under the [Public Order Ordinance](https://blogs.spectator.co.uk/2019/06/hong-kongs-first-political-asylum-seekers/), which is another legacy of British rule in Hong Kong. Wong commented that he would not enjoy refugee protection by Germany if the German government did not think that “Hong Kong uses the judiciary to persecute Hong Kong people.” One minor policy adjustment that the United Kingdom could make is to lower the requirements for British nationals (overseas) to permanently reside in Britain, putting them in line with the current requirements for EU nationals. British nationals (overseas) are currently subjected to the same immigration restrictions that apply to other nationals outside the European Economic Area. An EU citizen who completed her three-year undergraduate studies and works for two years currently qualifies for indefinite leave to remain in Britain, and can apply for British citizenship a year after acquiring that status. A British national from Hong Kong who has spent exactly the same amount of time residing legally in the United Kingdom and paying taxes does not get this benefit. Britain must take a leading role internationally and communicate the case for Hong Kong clearly, bilaterally with like-minded free countries, and multilaterally in organizations such as the Commonwealth and the United Nations. Britain needs to show it cares and that it is serious about Hong Kong, beyond the routine exercise of six-monthly reports and responding to occasional debates and questions in the chamber of the House of Commons. The [joint statement](https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-and-canada-joint-statement-on-hong-kong) by U.K. Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt and Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland on the proposed extradition law changes in Hong Kong was a healthy sign of renewed and refreshed policy. Britain must step up this effort to truly become “[an invisible chain linking the world’s democracies](https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/an-invisible-chain-speech-by-the-foreign-secretary),” because that is the right thing to do—and because if not us, then who? Milia Hau is a British foreign-policy researcher with a keen interest in the Indo-Pacific. She was formerly a research assistant at the Henry Jackson Society, where she worked on a number of issues relating to Asia, and is one of the authors of the latest [report on Hong Kong](https://henryjacksonsociety.org/publications/hong-kong-the-steady-erosion-of-freedom/). 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Each holds a briefcase with money spilling out, the left man's briefcase shaped like the United States' and the right man's like the Arabian Peninsula.](https://foreignpolicy.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/1-instrumental-capital-sovereign-wealth-sebastien-thibault.jpg?w=800&quality=80)](https://foreignpolicy.com/2025/12/03/instrumental-capital-sovereign-wealth-funds-gulf/?tpcc=recirc_more_from_fp051524) An illustration shows two men against a bright yellow background. One man wears a Western-style business suit and the other wears a black robe and white head covering. The men are shaking hands. Each holds a briefcase with money spilling out, the left man's briefcase shaped like the United States' and the right man's like the Arabian Peninsula. 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Readable Markdown	[My FP:](https://foreignpolicy.com/myfp) Follow topics and authors to get straight to what you like. Exclusively for FP subscribers. [Subscribe Now](https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/06/12/britain-failed-hong-kong/) \\| [Log In](https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/06/12/britain-failed-hong-kong/) Hong Kong is awash with protest—and facing a dangerously uncertain future, as Beijing looks to extend mainland law’s grip on the territory. The region, once a rare shelter for dissenting voices in China, is seeing protections for freedom of speech stripped away one by one. That leaves Britain, once Hong Kong’s colonial master, with a particular obligation to the Hong Kongers it has let down in the past. In 1984, British parliamentarians across the House of Commons were informed of the Hong Kong governor’s proposals for democratic reforms when they attended debates on the future of Hong Kong during the Anglo-Chinese negotiations. Based on these proposed reforms, parliamentarians approved the U.K. government’s intention to sign the Joint Declaration that would ensure Hong Kong’s handover to China in 1997. These reforms never materialized, and the PRC inherited an executive-led system in Hong Kong—one that it has used to push through its own agenda, despite resistance from the Hong Kong public. Today, as a [recent report by the Henry Jackson Society](https://henryjacksonsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/HJS-Hong-Kong-%25C2%25AD-The-Steady-Erosion-of-Freedoms-Report-web.pdf) I helped compile argues, Britain has both legal and moral responsibilities toward Hong Kong.
Shard	96 (laksa)
Root Hash	6089014433239620496
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